Clarendon and the Duke of Ormonde, unfortunately, took the side of Sharp, and argued that it would be difficult to maintain Episcopacy in Ireland if Presbytery were continued in Scotland. Their arguments fell in with the king's humour, who had forgotten his subscription to the Covenant, and the many solemn promises he had given to maintain Presbytery, but who still had some unpleasant reminiscences of his sojourn among the Presbyterians. It was resolved that the thing should be done immediately. The throne was strong; the loyalty of the nation was strong; and turbulent spirits would be kept in awe by the recent executions of Guthrie and Argyll, and the ominous fact that no act of indemnity had yet been passed.

On the 5th of September the Lord Chancellor presented to the Scottish Privy Council a letter from his Majesty, referring to ecclesiastical affairs. It began-" Whereas, in the month of August 1660, we did, by our letter to the Presbytery of Edinburgh, declare our purpose to maintain the government of the Church of Scotland settled by law; and our parliament having since that time not only rescinded all the acts since the troubles began referring to that government, but also declared all those pretended parliaments null and void, and left to us the settling and securing of Church government; therefore we have, after mature deliberation, declared to those of your Council here our firm resolution to interpose our royal authority for restoring of that Church to its right government by bishops, as it was by law before the late troubles, during the reigns of our royal father and grandfather of blessed memory, and as it now stands settled by law." 2 A more unblushing composition never proceeded from a royal pen. The king, if now resolved to force Episcopacy upon the nation, should have been discreetly silent in regard to his letter to the Presbytery of Edinburgh. In that letter he either promised to establish Presbytery or he did not. If he did, why should he now, by a low juggle, attempt to put a different meaning upon it? If he did not, why should he have used language so

1 Burnet's History, vol. i. pp. 142, 143. account of this matter. (See his History.)

2 Wodrow's History, vol. i. p. 230.

M'Kenzie gives a similar

The following extract of a letter from the Earl of Lauderdale to Robert Douglas, dated 23d October 1660, seems to make it quite certain that the king did not at first intend to meddle with Presbytery "As to the concerns of our Mother Kirk," says Lauderdale, "I can only promise my faithful endeavours in what be for our good; and, indeed, it is no small comfort to me, in serving my master, to find that his Majesty is so

capable of misconstruction? Why should he have promised a General Assembly? Why should he have promised to send for Douglas? Did he doubt the construction which the Presbytery of Edinburgh had put upon it, when they enclosed it in a silver shrine, and with grateful hearts wrote him a letter of thanks; and could he now contemplate with satisfaction the cheat he had put upon them? The whole transaction gives a full revelation of the unprincipled character of the man.

The Privy Council framed an act echoing the royal letter ; this was proclaimed at the market-cross, amidst the flourish of trumpets,1 and the deed was done which for the next twentyseven years was to let loose upon unhappy Scotland all the horrors of persecution. Had the king been wise, he would have given to Scotland the church polity which its people loved; and he would have seen then, what has since been abundantly proved, that Presbytery is perfectly compatible with monarchy. The fever of the first Covenanting period had abated, the delirium was gone, and Douglas and his brethren were exhibiting a moderation of sentiment which would have avoided the excesses of which Presbytery had sometimes been guilty, and ensured peace to the people and stability to the throne. There would have been a Church embracing the nation, in which the doctrine of passive obedience might not have been preached, but in which a warm loyalty would certainly be cherished. But instead of attaching to himself the ardour of Presbytery, Charles stung it into antagonism, and set up a form of polity which the people from their cradle had been taught to believe was no better than Popery.

The old race of bishops had died out. Only Sydserf remained. It was needful, therefore, that new bishops should be found. Up to this period Sharp had kept his

fixt in his resolution not to alter anything in the government of that Church; of this you may be confident, though I dare not answer but that some would be willing enough to have it otherwise. I dare not doubt of the honest ministers continuing in giving constant testimonies of their duty to the king (and your letter confirms me in giving these hopes); and they doing their duty I dare answer for the king, having of late had full contentment in discoursing with his Majesty on that subject. His Majesty hath told me that he intends to call a General Assembly, and I have drawn a proclamation for that purpose, but the day is not yet resolved on. The proclamation shall, I think, come down with my Lord Treasurer, who says he will take journey this week." (This letter will be found in the Memoir of Baillie attached to the Bannatyne Edition of his Letters and Journals.)

1 Wodrow's History, vol. i. p. 231.

his counsel to himself, began his march southwards in the month of November 1659, to decide that Charles should sit upon the throne, as the legions stationed in Gaul had anciently determined, on more occasions than one, who should wear the imperial purple at Rome.

CHAPTER XIX.

GENERAL MONK had hardly reached London when James Sharp, minister of Crail, and professor of theology at St Andrews, began his journey thither, commissioned by some of the leading Scotch ministers to watch over the interests of their Church at this crisis in the country's fate. He regu larly reported his proceedings to Robert Douglas, at that period the man most respected of all in the Church of Scotland. From his letters, we find him at one time closeted with Monk; at another, visiting members of parliament; at another, talking over their prospects with the Presbyterian ministers of London; and then, about the beginning of May, starting for Breda to offer his congratulations to Charles on his being proclaimed King of England, Scotland, and Ireland. By his first instructions he was requested to press the covenanted uniformity of religion between the two nations;1 as the English Parliament, before its dissolution, had once more declared for the Westminster Confession, and ordered the Solemn League and Covenant to be set up in every church, and read by the minister once every year. But when the new parliament met, it soon became apparent that the face of things would be changed. The tide of feeling in favour of Episcopacy now rose so high that it was evident it would soon overflow all England. Sharp intimated this to his friends, but he suggests no suspicion that it might probably be extended to Scotland.2

England, wearied of the Commonwealth, clamoured for a king as earnestly as did Israel when tired of its Judges; and God sent them Charles, a greater plague than ever was Saul to the Jews. The parliament had it in its power to have limited the monarchy; and the man who had accepted the

1 This is not mentioned in his formal instructions, but it is referred to in his correspondence with Douglas. (See the Introduction to Wodrow's History.)

2 These letters are happily preserved.

crown of Scotland upon such humiliating terms would have submitted to any conditions which England chose to dictate. But the nation was drunk with a Royalist joy; and after having bought its liberty with its blood at Marston and Worcester, it now willingly gave itself back into slavery. On the 29th of May 1660, Charles II. entered London in triumph; and the Londoners were once more pleased with the pageant of royalty. Capital cities, though sometimes seized with revolutionary spasms, are in general attached to monarchy; for they witness the splendour of courts, and feed upon the crumbs which fall from imperial tables. It is in villages and towns that democracy and republicanism are to be found.

Scotland had ever been loyal. It had been deprived of its king, but it had never renounced him, and had submitted with reluctance to the domination of the Protector. It was meet, therefore, that it should rejoice. The 19th of June was kept at Edinburgh as a day of thanksgiving for the Restoration. The sermons were followed by banqueting and bonfires. At the Cross a table was spread for the magistrates; and barrels of wine were poured forth, and three hundred dozen of glasses were smashed in drinking the king's health. The Castle-hill had its display of fire-works; and, to the great delight of the citizens, in the midst of these was seen Oliver Cromwell pursued by the devil; and the delight was increased when both Cromwell and the devil were blown into the air.1 The other towns of Scotland imitated the loyalty of the metropolis. Such a loyal country deserved a loving king.

As

The Scottish nobles hastened to London to pay their respects to the king; and among these went Argyll. He had long been the leading man among the Covenanters he had commanded their armies and guided their councils; but still he had placed the Scottish crown upon Charles's head. soon as it was known that he was in London, he was seized, and committed to the Tower. This was upon the 8th of July; and upon the 14th orders came down to Major-General Morgan, commanding in Scotland, to secure Sir James Stuart, the provost of Edinburgh, Sir Archibald Johnston of Warriston, and Sir John Chiesly of Carswell. Stuart and Chiesly were got hold of; but Warriston fled, and a reward was offered for his apprehension.2 This was the beginning of sorrows. The Earl of Glencairn was now raised to the office of chan

1 Wodrow's History, vol. i. p. 62.

2 Kirkton's History, p. 70. Wodrow, vol. i. pp. 63, 64.

cellor of the kingdom, and the government entrusted to the Committee of Estates nominated by the parliament of 1651, On the 23d of August the committee held its first meeting under the presidency of Glencairn. On the same day a number of ministers of the Remonstrant party, among whom was James Guthrie, met in a private house in Edinburgh, to draw up a supplication to be laid before the king, congratulating him upon his restoration, expressing their unfeigned loyalty, putting him in mind of his own and the nation's Covenant with the Lord, hinting that if it were broken curses would follow, begging him to banish popery, prelacy, and sectarianism from his own house and from the whole kingdom, and praying that his reign might be like that of David, Solomon, Jehoshaphat, and Hezekiah. By an order from the Committee of Estates, all assembled were arrested, and sent prisoners to the Castle.1

On the last day of August Sharp arrived from London, bringing with him a letter from the king. It was directed to Douglas, to be communicated to the Presbytery of Edinburgh. On the 3d September the presbytery met, and the king's letter was read. In this document Charles declared,

"We do resolve to protect and preserve the government of the Church of Scotland as it is settled by law, without violation, and to countenance in the due exercise of their functions all such ministers who shall behave themselves dutifully and peaceably, as becomes men of their calling. We will also take care that the authority and acts of the General Assembly at St Andrews and Dundee, 1651, be owned and stand in force until we shall call another General Assembly (which we purpose to do as soon as our affairs will permit); and we do intend to send for Mr Robert Douglas and some other ministers, that we may speak with them in what may further concern the affairs of the Church." Nothing could have been more satisfactory than this letter. The Presbytery of Edinburgh accordingly ordered copies of it to be transmitted to all the presbyteries of the Church, as being of public concern, and appointed a committee to write the king expressing their thankfulness. They went furtherthey purchased a silver box in which they enshrined the precious document.2

1 Kirkton's History, p. 73. Burnet's History of his Own Times, vol. i. Pp. 121, 122.

2 Kirkton, p. 75. Wodrow, vol. i. pp. 80, 81.