Page images
PDF
EPUB

Santa

for some

Balmaceda elected

an active member of the Opposition and involved in various | to an end, and another Liberal, Señor Balmaceda, then revolutionary conspiracies; for his participation in these succeeded to power. plots he was at one time exiled from the country, but returned and received official employment under President Perez. The principal task confronting President Santa Maria on assuming the presidency was to negotiate a treaty of peace with Peru and provide for the President evacuation of the Chilian army of occupation. The presence of the Peruvian General Cáceres Maria. and his forces in the interior of Peru prevented two years the formation of any Peruvian national administration in Lima with which the Chilian authorities could deal. In August of 1883 the Peruvians were defeated by the forces commanded by Admiral Lynch, and a Government was then organized under the leadership of General Iglesias. A provisional treaty of peace was then drawn up and signed by General Iglesias and the Chilian representative, and this was finally ratified by the Chilian and Peruvian Congresses respectively in April 1884. By the terms of this treaty Peru ceded to Chile unconditionally the province of Tarapacá, and the provinces of Tacna and Arica were placed under Chilian authority for the term of ten years, the inhabitants having then to decide by a general vote whether they remained a part of Chile or elected to belong once more to Peru. In the event of the decision being favourable to Peru a sum of 10,000,000 dollars was to be paid by Peru to Chile. On the ratification of this treaty the Chilian forces were immediately withdrawn from Lima and other points of occupation in Peruvian territory. The Government of Bolivia also attempted to negotiate a treaty of peace with Chile in 1884, and for this purpose sent representatives to Santiago. No satisfactory terms, however, could be arranged, and the negotiations ended in only an armistice being agreed to, by which Chile remained in occupation of the Bolivian seaboard pending a definite settlement at some future period.

The administration of President Santa Maria met with violent opposition from the Conservatives, who included the Clerical party in their ranks, and also from a certain section of the Liberals. The dislike of the Conservatives to President Santa Maria was occasioned by his introduction of the law of civil marriage, the civil registration of births and deaths, and the freeing of the cemeteries. Hitherto no marriage was legal unless celebrated according to the rites of the Roman Catholic religion, and all registers of births and deaths were kept by the parish priests. Civil employees were now appointed under the new laws to attend to this work. Formerly the cemeteries were entirely under the control of the Church, and, with the exception of a few places specially created for the purpose, were reserved solely for the burial of Roman Catholics. Under the new régime these cemeteries were made common to the dead of all religions. Under President Perez, in 1865, a clause in the law of constitution had been introduced permitting the exercise of all creeds of religion, and this was now put into practice, all restrictions being removed. On several occasions, notably in 1882 and 1885, President Santa Maria used his influence in the elections of senators and deputies to Congress for the purpose of creating a substantial majority in his favour. He was induced to take this course in consequence of the violent opposition raised in the Chambers by the liberal policy he pursued in connexion with Church matters. This intervention caused great irritation amongst the Conservatives and dissentient Liberals, and the political situation on more than one occasion became so strained as to bring the country to the verge of armed revolution. No outbreak, however, took place, and in 1886 the five years of office for which President Santa Maria had been elected came

The election of Balmaceda was bitterly opposed by the Conservatives and dissentient Liberals, but was finally successfully carried by the official influence exercised by President Santa Maria. On assuming office President Balmaceda endeavoured President. to bring about a reconciliation of all sections of the Liberal party in Congress and so form a solid majority to support the administration, and to this end he nominated as ministers representatives of the different political groups. Six months later the Cabinet was reorganized, and two most bitter opponents to the recent election of President Balmaceda were accorded portfolios. Believing that he had now secured the support of the majority in Congress on behalf of any measures he decided to put forward, the new President initiated a policy of heavy expenditure on public works, the building of schools, and the strengthening of the naval and military forces of the republic. Contracts were given out to the value of £6,000,000 for the construction of railways in the southern districts; some 10,000,000 dollars were expended in the erection of schools and colleges; three cruisers and two sea - going torpedo boats were added to the squadron; the construction of the naval port at Talcahuano was actively pushed forward; new armament was purchased for the infantry and artillery branches of the army, and heavy guns were acquired for the purpose of permanently and strongly fortifying the neighbourhoods. of Valparaiso, Talcahuano, and Iquique. In itself this policy was not unreasonable, and in many ways extremely beneficial for the country. Unfortunately corruption crept into the expenditure of the large sums necessary to carry out this programme. Contracts were given by favour and not by merit, and the progress made in the construction of the new public works was far from satisfactory. The opposition in Congress to President. Balmaceda began to increase rapidly towards the close of 1887, and further gained ground in 1888. In order to ensure a majority favourable to his views, the President threw the whole weight of his official influence into the elections for senators and deputies in 1888; but many of the members returned to the Chambers through this official influence joined the Opposition shortly after taking their seats. In 1889 Congress became distinctly hostile to the administration of President Balmaceda, and the political situation became grave, and at times threatened. to involve the country in civil war. According to usage: and custom in Chile, a ministry does not remain in office. unless supported by a majority in the Chambers. Balma-ceda now found himself in the impossible position of being. unable to appoint any ministry that could control a majority in the Senate and Chamber of Deputies and at the same time be in accordance with his own views of the administration of public affairs. At this juncture the President assumed that the Constitution gave him the power of nominating and maintaining in office any ministers he might consider fitting persons for the purpose, and that Congress had no right of interference in the matter. The Chambers were now only waiting for a suitable opportunity to assert their authority. In 1890 it was stated that President Balmaceda had determined to. nominate and cause to be elected as his, successor at the expiration of his term of office in 1891 one of his own personal friends. This question of the election of another President brought matters to a head, and Congress refused to vote supplies to carry on the Government. To avoid. trouble Balmaceda entered into a compromise with Congress, and agreed to nominate a ministry to their liking on condition that the supplies for 1890 were voted..

Outbreak of the

This Cabinet, however, was of short duration, and resigned when the ministers understood the full amount of friction between the President and Congress. Balmaceda then nominated a ministry not in accord with the views of Congress, and, to prevent any expression of opinion upon his conduct in the matter, refrained from summoning an extraordinary session of the legislature for the discussion of the estimates of revenue and expenditure for 1891. When 1st January 1891 arrived, the President published a decree in the Diario Oficial to the effect that the budget of 1890 would be considered the official budget for 1891. This act was illegal and beyond the attributes of the executive power. As a protest against the action of President Balmaceda, the Vicerevolution President of the Senate, Señor Waldo Silva, and . of 1891. the President of the Chamber of Deputies, Señor Ramon Barros Luco, issued a proclamation appointing Captain Jorje Montt in command of the squadron, and stating that the navy could not recognize the authority of Balmaceda so long as he did not administer public affairs in accordance with the constitutional law of Chile. The majority of the members of the Chambers sided with this movement, and on 7th January Señores Waldo Silva, Barros Luco, and a number of senators and deputies embarked on board the Chilian warship Blanco Encalada, sailing out of Valparaiso harbour and proceeding northwards to Tarapaca to organize armed resistance against the President. It was not alone this action of Balmaceda in connexion with Congress that brought about the revolution. He had alienated the sympathy of the aristocratic classes of Chile by his personal vanity and ambition. The oligarchy composed of the great landowners have always been an important factor in the political life of the republic; when President Balmaceda found that he was not a persona grata to this circle he determined to endeavour to govern without their support, and to bring into the administration a set of men who had no traditions and with whom his personality would be all-powerful. The Clerical influence was also thrown against him in consequence of his radical ideas in respect of Church

matters.

Immediately on the outbreak of the revolution President Balmaceda published a decree declaring Montt and his companions to be traitors, and without delay organized an army of some 40,000 men for the suppression of the insurrectionary movement. Meanwhile the squadron under Meanwhile the squadron under Montt had obtained possession of Iquique after some severe fighting, the garrison of that district offering a stout resistance to the landing of the rebel forces from the menof-war. Tarapacá was the key of the position in Chile at this moment, the possession of that district and the port of Iquique meaning that money could be obtained freely from the export duties on nitrate of soda. A lull now occurred in the struggle while both sides were preparing for the final shock. President Balmaceda administered the government under dictatorial powers with a Congress of his own nomination. In June 1891 Balmaceda ordered the presidential election to be held, and Señor Claudio Vicuña was duly declared chosen as President of the republic for the term commencing in September 1891. The resources of Balmaceda were running short on account of the heavy military expenses, and he determined to dispose of the reserve of silver bullion accumulated in the vaults of the Casa de Moneda in accordance with the terms of the law for the conversion of the note issue. The silver was conveyed abroad in a British man-of-war, and disposed of partly for the purchase of a fast steamer to be fitted as an auxiliary cruiser and partly in payment for other kinds of war material.

The organization of the revolutionary forces went on

Civil war.

slowly. Much difficulty was experienced in obtaining the necessary arms and ammunition. A supply of rifles was bought in the United States, and embarked on board the Itata, a Chilian vessel in the service of the rebels. The United States authorities refused to allow this steamer to leave San Diego, and a guard was stationed on the ship. The Itata, however, slipped away and made for the Chilian coast, carrying with her the representatives of the United States. A fast cruiser was immediately sent in pursuit, but only succeeded in overhauling the rebel ship after she was at her destination. The Itata was then forced to return to San Diego without landing her cargo for the insurgents. The necessary arms and ammunition were arranged for in Europe; they were shipped in a British vessel, and transferred to a Chilian steamer at Fortune Bay, in Tierra del Fuego, close to the Strait of Magellan and the Falkland Islands, and thence carried to Iquique, where they were safely disembarked early in July 1891. A force of 10,000 men was now raised by the junta of the revolution, and preparations were rapidly pushed forward for a move to the south with the object of attacking Valparaiso and Santiago. Early in August a portion of the revolutionary squadron, comprising the Blanco Encalada and other ships, was sent to the southward for reconnoitring purposes, and put into the port of Caldera. During the night, and whilst the Blanco Encalada was lying quietly at anchor, a torpedo boat called the Almirante Lynch, belonging to the Balmaceda faction, steamed into the bay of Caldera and discharged a torpedo at the rebel ship. The Blanco Encalada sank in a few minutes, and 300 of her crew perished.

In the middle of August 1891 the rebel forces were embarked at Iquique, numbering in all about 9000 men, and sailed for the south. On 21st August the insurgent army was disembarked near Concon, about twenty miles north of Valparaiso. A severe fight ensued, in which the troops of President Balmaceda were defeated with heavy loss. This reverse roused the worst passions of the President, and he ordered the arrest and imprisonment of all persons suspected of sympathy with the revolutionary cause. The population generally were, however, distinctly antagonistic to Balmaceda; and this feeling had become accentuated since 17th August 1891, on which date he had ordered the execution of a number of youths belonging to the military college at San Lorenzo on a charge of seditious practices. The shooting of these boys created a feeling of horror throughout the country, and a sensation of uncertainty as to what measures of severity might not be practised in the future if Balmaceda won the day. After the victory at Concon the insurgent army, under command of General Campos, marched in a southerly direction towards Viña del Mar, and thence to Placilla, where the final struggle in the conflict took place. Balmaceda had massed his troops in the vicinity, and confidently expected a victory on account of the superior number of his forces. The fighting was fierce, but the rebel artillery was well directed and thoroughly prepared the way for an assault of the positions. The rebels drove their opponents at the point of the bayonet from one line of trenches to another, until they remained absolute masters of the field and the Balmacedist army was in full flight without attempting to preserve any sort of order or discipline. Defeat and Three days later the victorious insurgents suicide of entered Santiago and assumed the government Balmaof the republic. After the battle of Placilla it ceda. was clear to President Balmaceda that he could no longer hope to find a sufficient strength amongst his adherents to maintain himself in power, and in view of the rapid approach of the rebel army he abandoned his official duties to seek an asylum in the Argentine Legation.

Almost absolute power was now given these corporations to manage their own concerns, and the organization of the police was placed in their hands; at a later period, however, it was found necessary to modify this latter condition.

The President remained concealed in this retreat until | ment. 18th September. On the evening of that date, when the term for which he had been elected President of the republic terminated, he committed suicide by shooting himself. The excuse for this act, put forward in letters written shortly before his end, was that he did not believe President Montt next turned his attention towards the the conquerors would give him an impartial trial. The question of how best to repair the damage occasioned to death of Balmaceda finished all cause of contention in the country by eight months of civil warfare. The plan Chile, and was the closing act of the most severe and of public works authorized in 1887 was reconsidered, and bloodiest struggle that country had ever witnessed. In the construction of portions of the various undertakings the various engagements throughout the conflict more than recommenced. The army and navy were reorganized. 10,000 lives were lost, and the joint expenditure of the Additional instructors were brought from Germany, and two Governments on military preparations and the purchase all arms of the military service were placed on a thoroughly of war material exceeded £10,000,000 sterling. (See also efficient footing in matters of drill and discipline. Several the section on the war below.) new and powerful cruisers were added to the navy, and the internal economy of this branch of the national defence was thoroughly inspected and many defects were remedied. President Montt then took in hand the question of a reform of the currency, the abolition of inconvertible paper money, and the re-establishment of a gold basis as the monetary standard of the republic. This reform of the currency became the key-note of the President's policy during the remainder of his term of office. Great opposition was raised by the representatives of the debtor class in Congress to the suppression of the inconvertible paper money, but in the end President Montt carried the day, and on 11th February 1895 a measure finally became law establishing a gold currency as the only legal tender in Chile. In July 1896 the Conversion Act was put in force, a dollar of 18d. being the monetary unit adopted. In 1895 relations with the neighbouring republic of Argentina began to become somewhat strained in regard to the interpretation of the treaty concerning the boundary between the two countries. The treaties of 1881, 1893, and 1895 left doubts in the minds of both Chilians and Argentines as to the position of the frontier line. On 17th April 1896 another protocol was drawn up, by which the contending parties agreed to submit any differences to the arbitration of Great Britain, at the instance of one or both Governments. President Montt had now fulfilled his term of office, and on 18th September 1896 he handed over the presidential power to his successor, Señor Federico Errazuriz, who had been duly elected in the month of June previously.

An unfortunate occurrence soon after the close of the revolution brought strained relations for a short period between the Governments of the United States and Chile. A number of men of the U.S.S. Baltimore having been given liberty on shore, an argument arose between some of them and a group of Chilian sailors in a drinking den in Valparaiso. Words led to blows. The Americans were badly handled, one of their number being killed and others severely hurt. The United States Government characterized the affair as an outrage, demanding an indemnity of $1,000,000 as satisfaction. The Chilian authorities demurred at this attitude, and attempted to argue the matter. Mr Blaine, then Secretary of State, refused peremptorily to listen to any explanations. In the end Chile paid an indemnity as asked, but the affair left bad feeling in its train.

Montt.

The close of the revolution against Balmaceda left the government of Chile in the hands of the junta under whose guidance the military and naval operaPresident tions had been organized. Admiral Jorje Montt had been the head of this revolutionary committee, and he acted as President of the provisional Government when the administration of the country changed hands after the victory of the Congressional party. An election was now immediately ordered for the choice of a President of the republic and for representatives in the Senate and Chamber of Deputies. Admiral Montt, as head of the executive power, staunchly refused to allow official influence to be brought to bear in any way in the Presidential campaign. The great majority of the voters, however, required no pressure to decide who was in their opinion the man most fitted to administer the affairs of the republic. For the first time in the history of Chile a perfectly free election was held, and Admiral Montt was duly chosen by a nearly unanimous vote to be chief magistrate for the constitutional term of five years. The Senate and Chamber of Deputies were formally constituted in due course, and the Government of the republic resumed normal conditions of existence. The new President showed admirable tact in dealing with the difficult problem he was called upon to face. Party feeling still ran high between the partisans to the two sides of the recent conflict. Admiral Montt took the view that it was politic and just to let bygones be bygones, and he acted conscientiously by this principle in all administrative measures in connexion with the supporters of the late President Balmaceda. Early in 1892 an amnesty was granted to the officers of the Balmaceda régime, and they were freely permitted to return to Chile without any attempt being made to molest them. The first political act of national importance of the new Government was the grant of control to the municipalities, which hitherto had possessed little power to direct local affairs, and were not even permitted to dispose of the municipal revenues to any important amount without first obtaining the consent of the central Govern

President

The election for the position of President of the republic was closely contested in 1896 between Señor Errazuriz and Señor Reyes, and ended in the triumph of the former candidate by the narrow majority of Errazuriz. one vote. The father of the new President had been chief magistrate of Chile from 1871 to 1876, and his administration had been one of the best the country had ever enjoyed; his son had therefore traditions to uphold in the post he was now called upon to fill. At the commencement of 1897 the public attention was absorbed by foreign political questions. The problems to be solved were the frontier difficulty with Argentina, the question of the possession of Tacna and Arica with Peru, and the necessity of fulfilling the obligation contracted with Bolivia to give that country a seaport on the Pacific coast. The treaty made in 1896 with the Argentine Government, referring to the arbitration of disputed points concerning the boundary, became practically for the moment a dead letter, and both Argentines and Chilians began to talk openly of an appeal to arms to settle the matter once for all. The Governments of both countries began to purchase large supplies of war material, and generally to make preparations for a possible conflict. In these circumstances no final settlement with Peru and Bolivia was possible, the authorities of those republics holding back to see the issue of the Chile-Argentine

dispute, and Chile being in no position at the time to insist on any terms being arranged. So matters drifted until the beginning of 1898. In July of that year the crisis reached an acute stage. Both Chile and Argentina put forward certain pretensions to territory in the Atacama district to the north, and also to a section of Patagonia in the south. Neither side would give way, nor was any disposition exhibited to refer the matter to arbitration under the protocol of 1896. The cry of an acute financial crisis emanating from the fear of war with Argentina was now raised in Chile. The President was advised that the only way of averting the financial ruin of the banking institutions of the republic was to suspend the conversion law and lend from the national treasury inconvertible notes to the banks. Señor Errazuriz weakly gave way, and a decree was promulgated placing the curCrisis with rency once more on an inconvertible paper Argentina. money basis until 1902. In August of 1898 the Chilian Government determined to insist upon the terms of the protocol of 1896 being acted upon, and intimated to Argentina that they demanded the fulfilment of the clause relating to arbitration on disputed points. This was practically an ultimatum, and a refusal on the part of the Argentine Government to comply with the terms of the 1896 agreement meant a declaration of war by Chile. For a few days the issue hung in the balance, and then the Argentine Government accepted the provisions made in 1896 for arbitration. The dispute concerning the Atacama district was submitted to an arbitration tribunal, consisting of the representative of the United States in Argentina, assisted by one Argentine and one Chilian commissioner. This tribunal, after due investigation, gave their decision in April 1899, and the verdict was accepted unreservedly by both Governments. The dispute regarding the Patagonian territory was submitted to the arbitration of Great Britain, and a commission (consisting of Lord Macnaghten, Sir John Ardagh, and Sir T. H. Holdich) was appointed in 1899 to hear the

The Argentine difficulty was ended, but Chile still had to find a settlement with Peru and Bolivia. The treaty made with the former country in 1893 was not ratified, as it was thought to concede too much to Peru, and the subsequent ad referendum treaty was rejected on account of Peru claiming that only Peruvians, and not all residents, should have the right to vote in the plebiscite to be taken by the terms of the treaty of 1883 for the possession of Tacna and Arica. By the terms of the armistice of 1883 between Chile and Bolivia, a three years' notice had to be given by either Government wishing to denounce that agreement. By the protocol of 1895 Chile agreed to give to Bolivia the port of Arica, or some other suitable position on the seaboard. On these lines a settlement was proposed. Vitor, a landing-place a little to the south of Arica, was offered by the Chilian Government to Bolivia, but refused as not complying with the conditions stated in the protocol of 1895; the Bolivians furthermore preferred to wait and see if Arica was finally ceded by Peru to Chile, and if so to claim the fulfilment of the terms of the protocol.

After the accession to office of President Errazuriz there was no stability of any ministry. Political parties in Congress were so evenly divided that a vote against the ministry was easy to obtain, and the resignation of the Cabinet immediately followed in accordance with the so-called parliamentary system in vogue in Chile. The President of the republic has no power to dissolve the Chambers, to endeavour to remedy the evil by one or another political party obtaining a substantial working majority, but must wait to see the results of the triennial elections. As a consequence of these conditions Conserva

tive, Liberal, and coalition ministries held office at short intervals. These unsettled political circumstances checked any continuity of policy, and tended to block the passage of all useful legislation to help forward the economic development of the country and inhabitants; on the other hand, the financial situation was better by the end of 1899 than in the previous year, since all proposals for a fresh paper issue had been vetoed; and the elections for Congress and municipal office at the opening of 1900 returned a majority favourable to a stable currency policy. In September 1900 a fresh outburst of hostile feeling against Chile was created in Argentina by a note addressed by the Chilian Government to Bolivia, intimating that Chile was no longer inclined to hand over the port of Arica or any other port on the Pacific, but considered the time ripe for a final settlement of the questions connected with the Chilian occupation of Bolivian territory, which had now been outstanding for sixteen years. The foreign policy of Chile, as indicated by this note, was considered by Argentina to be grasping and unconciliatory, and there were rumours of an anti-Chilian South American federation. Chile disclaimed any aggressive intentions; but in December the Bolivian Congress declined to relinquish their claim to a port, and refused to conclude a definite treaty of peace. The year closed with a frontier incident between Chile and Argentina in the disputed territory of Ultima Esperanza, where some Argentine colonists were ejected by Chilian police; but both Governments signed protocols agreeing not to take aggressive action in consequence. At the opening of 1901 the country was chiefly interested in the forthcoming Presidential election, for which the candidates were Don Pedro Montt President (Conservative and Clerical) and Señor Ferman Riesco. Riesco (Liberal). The relations between President Errazuriz and Congress became rather strained, owing to the former's inclination to retain in office a ministry on which Congress had passed a vote of censure; but Errazuriz had been in ill-health for more than a year, and on 1st May he resigned, and died in July. At the ensuing election Riesco was elected President. The attitude of Chile towards the Pan-American Congress at Mexico became a matter of interest in the autumn, particularly in connexion with the proposal for compulsory arbitration between all American Governments. The Chilian Government made it quite clear that they would withdraw from the Congress if this proposal was meant to be retroactive; and their unyielding attitude testified to the apprehensions felt by Chile concerning United States interference. In October the Chilian Government announced that the contemplated conversion scheme, for which gold had been accumulated, would be postponed for two years (till October 1903), the gold being held as a reserve fund pending the result of the arbitration over the Argentine frontier. This was generally considered to be a reasonable and statesmanlike course. Unfortunately, a recrudescence of the excitement over the boundary dispute was occasioned by the irritation created in Argentina by the fact that, pending a decision, Chile was constructing roads in the disputed territory. During December 1901 relations were exceedingly strained, and troops were called out on both sides. But at the end of the month it was agreed to leave the question to the British arbitrators, and the latter decided to send one of their number (Sir T. H. Holdich) to examine the territory (c. E. A.)

The Civil War of 1891.-The military aspects of the conflict between President Balmaceda and Congress of the Chilian republic, which began in 1890, and led, early in the following years, to civil war, are worth considering separately. The merits of the original dispute

[graphic]

are not by any means clear, but powerful foreign interests were attacked and defeated. The position was a strong were arrayed on the side of Congress, and financial support one, and the defenders were greatly superior in field was forthcoming in defence of those interests. The artillery, but suffered somewhat from the fire of the geographical conditions of Chile are such as to render Congressionalist vessels. The troops were, however, badly sea power the dominating factor in any internal or external handled, and both flanks were turned. The battle conflict. The country is practically a long strip of sea- of Concon was the first in which one side was armed board, with few or no longitudinal communications on wholly with repeating rifles. The Congressionalists took shore. Sea transport was therefore vital to military 1500 prisoners, "most of whom asked for and obtained operations. On 7th January 1891 the Chilian fleet, which leave" to change their flag. The advance on Valparaiso included the armour-clads Blanco Encalada, Cochrane, continued, and it was intended to attack the position of and Huascar, declared for Congress. The army, con- Viña del Mar, about 4 miles from the town, on the 23rd. sisting at this time of about 6000 men, adhered to The attack was not delivered, as the Congressionalist the President. One side was thus driven to create an troops did not reach their appointed positions in time army, while the other sought to improvise a fleet. The and two of the brigade commanders considered the enCongressionalists determined therefore to seize Iquique as trenchments impregnable. After an ineffective artillery a base and to carry on their preparations in the province engagement the plan was abandoned in favour of a flank of Tarapacá. Hostilities commenced by the bombardment march with a view to approach Valparaiso from the south. and capture of Pisagua, a coast town about 35 miles to This offered a great opportunity, which the Balmacedist the north of Iquique. Pisagua was retaken by the Presi- forces totally neglected. On 27th August the Congresdent's forces, and again occupied by the Congressionalists sionalist army arrived in front of the heights of La Placilla, after a heavy naval bombardment. Colonel Robles, the where the enemy, about 14,000 strong, were attacked on commander-in-chief of the army, endeavouring to recapture the following day. The left flank of the position was Pisagua, was defeated, and the garrison of Iquique being turned and the victory was complete, the loss of the withdrawn to his assistance, the Congressionalists occupied defending and attacking forces being about 3400 and 1800 the place. Collecting part of his forces, Colonel Robles respectively. The Männlicher rifles doubtless contributed succeeded in retaking Iquique, which was then heavily to the victory, but the waste of ammunition was great, bombarded on 17th February, and was surrendered and the imported arms showed some weakness. The upon terms arranged on board H.M.S. Warspite, the Balmacedist troops were, however, badly commanded British flagship. The Congressionalists, under Colonel throughout this brief campaign, which affords few Canto, made great preparations to hold their position, military lessons. After the battle of La Placilla, Valand Colonel Robles, without waiting to concentrate a paraiso at once surrendered, and the triumph of the sufficient force, attacked them at Pozo al Monte. The Congressionalist party was complete. troops, about 1400 in number, were disastrously defeated and the commander-in-chief was killed. The rest of the President's forces in this district then crossed the Andes and made their way southwards under great difficulties. The effect of these preliminary operations was to give the Congressionalists a good base at Iquique and a firm footing in the province of Tarapacá, which is isolated by desert country from the rest of Chile. Time was on their side, and, moving gradually south, they occupied Caldera and set about the creation of an army. Männlicher repeating rifles and large stores of ammunition were purchased in Europe, and the services of Colonel Körner, a German expert, were obtained. By August about 10,000 men had been armed, organized, and drilled.

Meanwhile the 700-ton torpedo gunboats Condell and Lynch had arrived at Valparaiso from Europe, and the Imperial, a mail steamer of 3300 tons and 15 knots, had been chartered by the President and was armed to serve as an extemporized cruiser. These three vessels went to sea on 18th April, and on the night of the 22nd the Condell and Lynch found and attacked the Blanco Encalada at anchor in Caldera Bay. Many of the Congressionalist officers were dining on shore, and a bad look-out was kept. The Condell discharged three torpedoes at about 100 yards' distance without result; but the Lynch, closing the armourclad on the other side, succeeded in striking her amidships. The Blanco Encalada sank in a few minutes, the Condell and Lynch escaping without much damage to either, and with a loss of one killed and ten wounded. This was a striking achievement, carried out with great gallantry; but the attack would probably have failed if a proper watch had been kept on board the Blanco Encalada, and although the gunboats made other cruises, nothing further was effected.

On 20th August the Congressionalist forces, 9280 strong, disembarked in Quinteros Bay, about 28 miles north of Valparaiso. On the following day the President's troops holding the southern bank of the Aconcagua river

[ocr errors]

The Chilian civil war supplies a remarkable example of the influence of sea power. The revolt of the navy proved fatal to President Balmaceda's cause. Unable to reinforce his troops in the north, he lost Iquique, the province of Tarapacá, and the nitrate revenues. It was thus open to the Congressionalists to raise and equip an army at leisure and to disembark it wherever they chose. Military success, for which the way was prepared by the navy, produced decisive results, and the Chilian civil war conformed exactly to the teaching of history. (G. S. c.)

Chillan, a town of Chile, capital of the province of Nuble and of the department of Chillan, 248 miles S. of Santiago by rail. It is reputed to be one of the most picturesque cities of Chile, with fine streets and public squares. Population (1898), 32,769.

U.S.A., situated in the northern part of the state, on Chillicothe, capital of Livingston county, Missouri, Grand river, at an altitude of 765 feet. It has three railways, the Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy, the Chicago, Milwaukee, and St Paul, and the Wabash. Population (1880), 4078; (1890), 5717; (1900), 6905, of whom 255 were foreign-born and 538 were negroes.

It

Chillicothe, capital of Ross county, Ohio, U.S.A., situated in 39° 8' N. lat. and 82° 52′ W. long., in the southern part of the state, at an altitude of 620 feet. has a regular plan with broad streets, on a level plain on the right bank of Scioto river, which here is not navigable. It is at the intersection of three great railways, the Baltimore and Ohio South-Western, the Cincinnati, Hamilton, and Dayton, and the Norfolk and Western. Population (1880), 10,938; (1890), 11,288; (1900), 12,976, of whom 910 were foreign-born and 986 were negroes.

Chimkent, a district town of Russian Central Asia, province Syr-dari-insk, on the mountain stream Badam. It has seven cotton-cleaning mills and soapworks, and its trade is mainly in cattle, hides, wool, raw cotton, grain, oil, and leather. Population, 10,756.

« EelmineJätka »