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Cooper, Thomas Sidney (1803-1902), | is divided to the members in proportion to their purchases. Thus English painter, was born at Canterbury on 26th September they in effect obtain their necessaries at cost price. Not far from £7,000,000 is thus returned in the year, averaging nearly 2s. 8d. in 1803. In very early childhood he showed in many ways the £ of purchases. In many successful societies an even higher the strength of his artistic inclinations, but as the circum- dividend on purchases is paid, but the average prices of goods sold stances of his family did not admit of his receiving any are often fixed above those current in the neighbourhood, so that systematic training, he began before he was twelve the members, in addition to saving the retailer's profit, use their years old to work in the shop of a coach painter. A little later Society as a sort of savings bank, where they put away a halfpenny or so for every shilling they spend. In addition to retailing, a he obtained employment as a scene painter; and he store often manufactures bread, clothes, boots, or flour, or farms alternated between these two occupations for about eight land, usually for its own members only, but occasionally for sale to years. But the desire to become an artist continued to other societies also. Their productions in this way reach about £4,000,000 a year. They also invest large and increasing sums in influence him, and all his spare moments were given up to building cottages to sell or let to their members; and they lend drawing and painting from nature. At the age of twenty largely to their members to enable them to buy cottages. he went to London, drew for a while in the British Outwardly these stores may look like mere shops, but they Museum, and was admitted as a student of the Royal not to a proprietor's profit but to cheap and good comare really much more. First, they are managed with a view Academy. He then returned to Canterbury, where he was modities. Secondly, they have done an immense work able to earn a living as a drawing-master and by the sale for thrift and the material prosperity of the working classes, of sketches and drawings. In 1827 he settled in Brussels; and as teachers of business and self-government. But, further, but four years later he returned to London to live, and by they have a distinct social and economic aim, namely, to correct showing his first picture at the Royal Academy (1833) the present inequalities of wealth, and substitute for the combegan an unprecedentedly prolonged career as an exhibitor.petitive system an industry controlled by all in the common interest and distributing on principles of equity and reason, Cooper's name is mainly associated with pictures of cattle mutually agreed on, the wealth produced. With this view they or sheep, and the most notable of the many hundred he acknowledge the duties of fair pay and good conditions for has produced are: "A Summer's Noon" (1836), "A their own employees, and of not buying goods made under bad conditions. The best societies further set aside a small proportion Drover's Halt on the Fells" (1838), "A Group in the of their profits for educational purposes, including concerts, social Meadows" (1845), "The Half-past One o'Clock Charge at gatherings, classes, lectures, reading-rooms and libraries. They Waterloo" (1847), "The Shepherd's Sabbath" (1866), (1866), often make grants to causes with which they sympathize; and their "The Monarch of the Meadows" (1873), "Separated but operative candidates being occasionally run for school-boards and members are often prominent in local government affairs, conot Divorced" (1874), "Isaac's Substitute (1880), town councils. Though the societies are non-political, they are 'Pushing off for Tilbury Fort" (1884), and "On a Farm usually centres of "progressive" ideas. There are of course many in East Kent" (1889). He was elected an Associate of defects, and of their million and two-thirds members a large, and the Royal Academy in 1845, and a Royal Academician many fear an increasing, proportion, attracted by the prosperity of the societies, think chiefly of what they themselves gain; but the in 1867. He presented to his native place, in 1882, the government of the movement has, hitherto at least, been largely Sidney Cooper Art Gallery, built on the site of the house in in the hands of men of ideas who believe that stores are but a step which he was born. He wrote his reminiscences, under the to co-operative production and on to the "co-operative commontitle of My Life, in 1890; and died on 7th February 1902. wealth."

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Co-operative Societies.-The progress of co-operation, during the last twenty years of the 19th century, was very remarkable, both in the United Kingdom and abroad. Not only have the societies, in spite of numerous failures, greatly increased in number, membership, capital, and trade, but they have come into close relations, both commercial and for propaganda, with other co-operative societies in their own country and abroad; and finally an important International Co-operative Alliance has been formed for promoting mutual helpfulness and international trading relations.

The following figures show the growth of co-operation that is to say, of working-class co-operation-in the United Kingdom :

1876 1899

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1858

Business.

Societies. Members. Capital. 493,189 £5,742,2971 £18,647,8171 1,675,998 28,267,398 75,422,895 Practically all these societies are registered with limited liability under the Industrial and Provident Societies Acts, their government is democratic, based on one vote for man or woman; and their members (or shareholders) and committeemen are almost exclusively the more provident of the working classes or belong to the class just above.

By far the greater part of these figures represent Workmen's Distributive Societies, or stores, flourishing chiefly in the North and Midlands of England and in Scotland, and numbering 1446, with 1,613,461 members, £22,294, 624 capital, and sales of £45,047,446

in the year. The largest is that of Leeds, with Distribu- 49,000 members and £1,500,000 sales. The shares in tion. these societies are withdrawable in cash and not transferable. Their method is the "Rochdale system," now spread over the world, by which the twenty-eight poor weavers of Rochdale made co-operation, until then little but a dream and a series of failures, into a great practical success. A record is kept, by means of metal checks or otherwise, of each member's purchases; and at the end of each quarter, after payment of a fixed interest (never more than 5 per cent., and in very many societies less) on shares, and sometimes a proportion of profit to the employees, the surplus 1 Figure not quite complete.

It is indeed only when we come to federations of co-operative societies, and above all to production, with its large number of employees, that the industrial and educational side of the movement is most seen. The Co-operative Union, Limited, for instance, is a propagandist federation of all the chief co-operative societies in Great Britain, and some in Ireland, which does a great amount of educational work. Its income is over £8000 a year; it looks after the legal and parliamentary interests of the societies, carries on much educational work by means of literature, lectures, classes, scholarships, summer meetings at the universities, and so on; organizes numerous local conferences for discussion, and once a year tions, in some chief centre of population. The Co-operative Wholea great national Co-operative Congress and Exhibition of producsale Society, Limited, is a trading federation of nearly 1100 stores, which include over 1,300,000 individuals. Founded in 1863 on a small scale, in 1901 its capital was £3,314,887 and its employees about 11,000. Its sales in 1901 were estimated to reach £17,000,000. Besides its merchant trade, it manufactures to the value of £2,500,000, owning factories, warehouses, and land in Production. many districts. It owns steamships and is a large importer, and is also the bank of the Co-operative Societies, and the chief outlet for the always redundant capital of the stores. The Scottish stores also have their Wholesale Society, not less important relatively. For many purposes these two societies are in partnership. Their net profits are returned to the stores as a dividend on purchases, and thence to the whole body of members. There are also smaller local federations of stores, mostly for cornmilling and baking.

Strongly contrasting with this production by associations of consumers, or "consumers' production," is the co-partnership or "Labour Co-partnership" branch of co-operation. The simplest form of such co-operation is an association Co-partof producers formed to carry on their own industry. nership. Originally such associations were intended to consist solely of the workers employed, but membership is now open to the distributive societies, which are their chief customers, and usually to all sympathizers. Shares are transferable, not withdrawable. Profits first pay the agreed "wages of capital," and of what remains the main part goes to the employees as a dividend on their wages and to the customers as a dividend on their purchases. In well-established societies the dividends on wages average about 1s. on the £ of wages. This is not usually paid in cash, but credited to the employees as share capital, whereby all may become members. Besides other producers' associations,

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more or less co-operative, there were, at the end of 1900, 90 such co-partnership associations at work in England. Some of them are very small, while others have businesses of £40,000 a year or more; the majority show fair, sometimes large, profits. Each is governed by a committee, or directors, who are elected by the members and appoint a manager.

Rival theories.

The

We constantly hear that co-operative production is a failure. There have no doubt been many failures, especially of big experiments attempted among men totally unprepared. But many of the failures counted were not truly co-operative. At the present day consumers' production is successful beyond all question, while the net growth of producers' associations in recent years has been marked both in number and importance. These two forms of production best illustrate the two rival theories which divide British co-operation, and between whose partisans the conflict has at times been sharp. The consumers' theory maintains that all profit on price is abstracted from the consumer and must be returned to him; while to him should also belong all capital and control, subject to such regulations as the State and the Trade Unions enforce. This theory is fully exemplified in the English Wholesale Society, and in one of the corn mills, which employ workmen, whether co-operators or not, for wages only and admit no individual, but only co-operative societies, to membership. It is also exemplified by the great majority of the stores, though in their case the employee may become a member in his capacity as a consumer. co-partnership theory, on the other hand, maintains that the workers actually employed in any industry, whether distributive or productive, should be partners with those who find the capital, and those who buy the produce, and should share with them profit, responsibilities, and control. The consumers' party contend that societies of producers make a profit out of the consumers, and thus are never truly co-operative, while as they multiply they must compete against each other. The co-partnership party answer that labour at least helps to make the profit, and that competition, as yet almost insignificant between their societies, can be avoided by federating them (a process long ago begun) for buying and selling in common, and for other common purposes, while leaving each the control and responsibility of its own affairs. They further advocate the eventual federation of the productive wing of cooperation with the distributive wing for settling prices and all matters in which their interests might conflict. In this way they say the co-operative system may extend indefinitely without sacrificing either individual responsibility and freedom, or a general unity and control, so far as these are necessary to secure the common interest. On the other hand they hold that the opposing system tends more and more to centralization and bureaucracy, and divorces the individual workman from all personal interest in his work and from any control over its conditions. They contend, moreover, that, in spite of the great advantages consumers' production has in its command of a market and of abundant capital, only a small part of industry can ever be carried on by associations of the persons who actually consume the produce.

On the working out of these two principles depends the future of co-operation. The example of Scotland probably throws light on the problem. There co-operative production, amounting in 1900 to £1,815,042, is nearly all carried on by federations of consumers' societies, including the Scottish Wholesale, applying more or less successfully the co-partnership principle-i.c., their employees are admitted to share in profits, and may become members, whereby they are further admitted to share capital and control. The type of organization hence resulting is very much the same as where a society of producers admits consumers' societies to membership and sets aside a proportion of the profits to be returned to them as dividend upon their purchases. To this type, we have seen, English productive societies started by producers have come,

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An association of co-operative societies and individuals, called the Labour Association, exists to maintain this principle of copartnership in co-operative production and also promote its gradual adoption in businesses of a capitalistic character. Some progress improve upon mere profit-sharing by capitalizing the workman's in this latter direction is being made, there being a tendency to "bonus," whereby he becomes a shareholder and the business is gradually modified in a co-operative direction. There are remarkable instances of such modification abroad, notably that of the great iron-foundry and "Familistère" at Guise in France; the most noteworthy in England is that of the South Metropolitan Gas Company. After only a few years of the system 3000 workers own shares worth over £103,000 besides £33,000 on deposit; they also elect two of themselves directors of the Company. Unfortunately there is usually friendship and even alliance between Trade this example is marred by a feud with the Trade Unions, whereas Unionism and co-partnership, and other, co-operative societies.

culture.

In Ireland stores have not hitherto flourished, though a few exist. Irish co-operation is agricultural, and dates from the foundation of one co-operative dairy in 1889. Thence has grown a movement already of great importance and rapidly advancing. In 1890 there was still only one such society, in 1891 there were 17, but on 31st December 1900 there were 412, of which 171 were dairies, 106 agricultural societies, and Irish agri76 banks. By August 1901 the societies numbered about 470, of which of course not all were yet at work, and the members about 54,000. To form a dairy the small working farmers of a district register a society and take up shares of £1 each, in proportion to the number of their cows. Each brings his milk to be separated, is paid for the butter-making material it contains, and receives back skim milk. Any profit is divisible, nine-tenths to the suppliers of milk in proportion to the value of their supplies, and one-tenth to the dairy employees as dividend on wages. These dairies in 1900 produced butter worth more than £700,000. Their rapid spread is due to their great influence in improving the quality of butter, and hence raising the farmers' gains. The "agricultural" societies are chiefly engaged in buying farm requisites pure and cheap, and retailing them among their members; in this way they have saved the farmers very large sums. Their trade is about £100,000. The cooperative banks, many of them just beginning, are of the Raiffeisen type described later (though a few have limited liability) and aim at providing the peasants with necessary capital and expelling the usurer. They are increasing rapidly. Among miscellaneous objects of co-operation are selling eggs, poultry, barley, and pigs, joint ownership of machinery, joint grazing, potato-spraying, producing flax, and so on, and these promise a great growth in number and variety. The dairy societies, moreover, have federated into an agency for reaching the English market; and the agricultural societies into an Irish Wholesale for purchasing to the best advantage. Besides the direct profits and economies of these societies, they have greatly benefited Ireland by teaching men of all classes, parties, and religions to act together for peaceful progress; they have led to a wide diffusion of better agricultural knowledge, and to the establishment by Government of the Agricultural Department.

Turning abroad we find, in almost all civilized countries,

Practically all the members see that the money is applied as agreed, and while the loans are often made for long periods-a year or two, or several, so as to repay themselves out of the profit-power is reserved to call them in at short notice if misapplied. No bills, mortgages, or other securities are taken, except a note of hand with sometimes one or two sureties. There are two committees, one to lend and do the work of the society, and the other to supervise the first. While the directors of the SchultzeDelitzsch societies get commission on the business done, there is no remuneration for services in the Raiffeisen societies except that the accountant gets a small salary. There are no shares, or only shares of a very small value, and practically nothing is paid on them as interest or dividend.

important and growing movements roughly similar to | those above described, but, on the whole, less Foreign identified with the working classes, and less countries. coloured by their social and economic ideals. The most prominent fact since 1877 is the great growth of agricultural co-operation from small dimensions, till it amounts to a great force almost everywhere, and in some countries to a revolution; notably in Denmark, where almost every village is an example of varied co-operation, dealing with butter, eggs, bacon, stock, bee-keeping, or fruit-growing, or with the supply of household or farm requisites, to the great enrichment of the country. Cooperative dairies first appeared in Denmark in 1882; in 1900 they numbered 1052, dealt with four-fifths of all the milk of the country, and produced butter worth £7,000,000. Co-operative bacon factories began in 1887, and in 1900 dealt with six-tenths of all the pigs; and so on. Agricultural co-operation is now the strongest branch of the movement in France, and its backbone are the agricultural syndicates or associations. These, though they began only in 1883, numbered 1500 in 1895, and now probably number 2500, with 700,000 to 800,000 members. They are not technically co-operative societies, but rather trade unions, and they have certain political and professional aims; but they do an immense amount of co-operative work, especially in associated buying, and they spread the spirit of association everywhere, and promote many strictly co-operative societies. Everywhere the main features of this agricultural movement, alike in France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Holland, or in Canada, New Zealand, and the United States, are similar to those we have seen in Ireland and Denmark; it is supplementary to individual cultivation; hardly ever does it appear as associations for cultivating in common, and, speaking generally, it has no very ideal aims, but seeks chiefly to give the farmer a better profit: especially it brings within reach of the peasant many of the advantages of large farming. In England there are a number of farms worked by stores, and several large associations for the supply of farm requisites, but the typical agricultural co-operation, based on the small village societies and federations of such societies, has been almost unknown. An attempt is, however, being made to promote such a movement on the lines which have been successful in Ireland.

As part of agricultural co-operation we may reckon the development of an entirely new type of credit co-operation.

Ioan banks.

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The Schultze-Delitzsch credit societies are primRaiffeisen arily town institutions, and while they have multiplied and grown great, and sometimes grown capitalistic, many thousands of country folk have learnt to bless the little Raiffeisen loan banks. Such a bank is an association of neighbours uniting to borrow a sum of money, in order to lend it out as cheaply as possible in small sums to such of themselves as need loans. It also receives savings deposits, which often produce a large part or even all the capital the society needs to lend. Usually a few of the members are persons of rather more means than the others, and join to help their neighbours by increasing the society's credit. These have no special privilege, but by common consent they usually take a leading part. In the true Raiffeisen bank the liability of each member is unlimited, but limited liability has been introduced in some of its modifications. The society confines its operations strictly to a small area, say a parish, where every one knows every one. Each borrower must specify the purpose for which he wants a loan, say to buy a cow or drain a field, or pay off a moneylender, and this is rigorously inquired into. Any member, however poor, can obtain a loan for a profitable approved purpose, and no one, however rich, can obtain one on any other terms.

These Raiffeisen banks boast that neither member nor creditor has ever lost a penny by them, and while this is denied, it seems at least near the truth. Their credit is so good that they can obtain money at very low rates, and as their expenses are trifling they usually lend at about 5 per cent. Only men of good character they can re-lend to their members at very little more. In Germany can obtain membership, and thus, besides spreading prosperity, these societies have everywhere been great promoters of sobriety and good conduct. They exist solely for the sake of the members as borrowers, and make no profit, except a little for reserve, whereas the Schultze-Delitzsch Bank works for profit, and puts first the interest of the members as small capitalists and lenders. The Raiffeisen banks have a purely mutual character, free from any element of capitalism; it is even alleged that the members can ideal it is in the matter of self-help, seeing that the presence of never divide out the reserve; if they fall short of the co-operativo some richer members is necessary, or at least very desirable. In self-help the Schulze-Delitzsch system is specially strong. Raiffeisen founded the first such bank in 1849, just before Schultze-Delitzsch founded his first; the second in 1854. The third began in 1862, and so on. Not till 1880 did they begin really to spread.

Though co-operative credit societies are split up into innumerable groups, insisting on various minor modifications, and making various compromises between the two systems, these two types really include them all. They have spread from Germany into England, besides America and Asia. In Germany there were in almost all European countries, even at last to Ireland and March 1901, out of a total of 19,557 co-operative societies, 12,140 credit associations, and these lent out in 1900 more than £120,000,000. In Italy, Austria, and Hungary they are also strong. In 1896 it was estimated that £150,000,000 a year must be very well within the total amount lent by money co-operation on the Continent of Europe: £190,000,000 may be estimated for 1900. Of this total only a small percentage represents loans by banks of the Raiffeisen type, which, though very numerous, often lend only a few hundred pounds each in the year.

State

action.

While English and some other forms of co-operation have always repudiated State help, and probably rightly so far as their own work is concerned, it is very noticeable that in the modern development of agriculture the action of the State and of local authorities has played a great part in performing or assisting functions which neither voluntary association nor individual enterprise could well perform alone; in providing technical education, expert advisers, exhibitions and prizes; in distributing information in all forms; in finding out markets, controlling railway rates, subsidizing steamboats, and even grading, branding, warehousing, and freezing produce, and maintaining trade agents abroad. These things have of course not been done for co-operative societies alone, but for agriculture in general; but cooperation has benefited, and much has been done expressly to encourage the formation of associations of cultivators, and provincial and national federations of such associations; and government departments of agriculture are found acting through such bodies, and with their advice and assistance. Indeed, harm has sometimes been done by subsidizing and forcing co-operative societies, whether for political motives or merely from mistaken policy. Experience shows that governments can do a very great deal, at least for agricultural co-operation, but only on condition that they encourage and do not undermine self-help and

private initiative. Thus while we sometimes find voluntary | of 3 per cent., and an average density of 109 persons per association advocated as a step towards, and sometimes on the other hand as a substitute for and bulwark against state-socialism, we find in practice these two forces working each in its own sphere and in a manner complementary one to the other, while underlying and essential to both is the force of individual action and self-help.

Amongst minor but still important developments may be mentioned the steady growth of co-operative production in France; the co-operative labour gangs, or rather societies, which undertake building and navvying work in Italy; the socialist co-operation, which supports political organizations, a press, members of parliament, in Belgium; and the letting out of railway construction to co-operative groups of workmen in New Zealand and Victoria. It has been roughly estimated that altogether the members of one or other branch of co-operation number 6,000,000,

and

representing with their families a population of 25,000,000 people. AUTHORITIES.—G. J. HOLYOAKE. History of Co-operation in England. London, 1875-79. — Idem. History of the Rochdale Pioneers. London, 1893.-Idem. Self-Help a Hundred Years Ago. London, 1891.-Idem. Co-operative Movement To-day. London. 1891. BEATRICE POTTER. Co-operative Movement in Great Britain. London, 1891.-H. D. ACLAND and B. JONES. Working Men Co-operators. London, 1891.-BENJAMIN JONES. Co-operative Production. London, 1894.-H. D. LLOYD. Labor Co-partnership. London and New York, 1898.-D. F. SCHLOSS. Report on Contracts given out by Public Authorities to Associations of Workmen. London: Board of Trade, 1896.-Idem. Report on Profit Sharing. London Board of Trade, 1894. See also yearly additions, &c., in the Labour Gazette.-Idem. Methods of Industrial Remuneration. 2nd edition, London, 1894.-LLOYD JONES. Life and Times of Robert Owen. London, 1890.-N. P. GILMAN. Profit Sharing. London, 1892.-Idem. A Dividend to Labour. London, 1900.. E. O. GREENING. The Co-operative Traveller Abroad. London, 1888.- CHIEF REGISTRAR OF FRIENDLY SOCIETIES. Annual Reports on Industrial and Provident Societies. London.-BOARD OF TRADE. Second Annual Abstract of Foreign Labour Statistics. London, 1901.-Idem. Seventh Annual Abstract of Labour Statistics of the United Kingdom, 1901.-Idem. Report on Workmen's Co-operative Societies in the United Kingdom, 1901. Annual Reports of the Co-operative Union, Ltd. (Manchester), and many pamphlets published by the Union.-Annual Reports and Pamphlets of the Labour Association for promoting Co-operative Production, &c., London. Co-operative Wholesale Societies' Annual, Manchester and Glasgow.-Year Books of Co-operative Productive Federation, Ltd., London, yearly.-Annual Reports of Irish Agricultural Organization Society, Dublin. E. T. CRAIG. History of Ralahine. London, 1893.-Report of the Recess Committee (Ireland). Dublin and London, 1896.-Reports of the Department of Agriculture. Wellington, New Zealand, 1899, &c. - INTERNATIONAL CO-OPERATIVE ALLIANCE. Reports of First and other International Co-operative Congresses. London,

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1896, &c.-Idem. Statistics of Co-operative Societies in Various

Countries. London, 1898.-H. W. WOLFF. People's Banks, 2nd edition. London, 1896.-ANEURIN WILLIAMS. Relation of Cooperative Movement to National and International Commerce. Cooperative Union, Manchester, 1896. - DE ROCQUIGNY. La Co-opération de Production dans l'Agriculture. Paris, 1896.BERNADOT. Le Familistère de Guise. Guise, 1893.-TROMBERT. Guide Pratique de la Participation. Paris, 1892. - MERLIN. Les Associations Ouvrières et Patronales, &c. Paris, 1899. Jaerboek van den Nederlandschen Coöperatieven Bond. The Hague, 1901.-MABILLEAU and others. La Prévoyance Sociale

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en Italie. Paris, 1898.-Sulle Associazioni Co-operative in Italia. Rome, Government Report, 1890. - Statistica delle Società Co-operative. Rome, Government Reports, 1895 and 1900.NICCOLI. Co-operative Rurali. Milan, 1899.-CRÜGER. Jahrbuch des Allgemeinen Verbandes, &c. (German Statistics). Berlin, yearly.-CARL WRABETZ. Jahresbericht, &c. (Austrian Statistics). Vienna, yearly. (A. WI*.)

Coorg (Kodagu = steep mountains), a province of India, administered by a Commissioner, subordinate to the Governor-General through the Resident of Mysore, who is officially also Chief Commissioner of Coorg. It lies in the south of the peninsula, on the plateau of the Western Ghats, sloping inland towards Mysore. It is now an attractive field of coffee cultivation, though the greater part is still under forest. The administrative headquarters are at Mercara (population, 7034).

Its area is 1583 square miles. In 1881 the population was 178,302; in 1891 it was 173,055, showing a decrease

square mile. This decrease is attributed partly to the decline of the coffee industry, and partly to the high mortality among immigrant coolies. The indigenous population increased by no less than 16 per cent., while the immigrant population decreased by 29 per cent. In 1897, which was an exceptionally unhealthy year, the registered death-rate was as high as 50.38 per thousand. Classified according to religion and race, the indigenous Coorgs numbered 32,611; Hindus, 124,234; Mahommedans, 12,665; native Christians, 2931; Europeans, 249; In 1901 the Eurasians, 212; Jains, 114; Parsis, 39. population was 180,461, showing an increase of 4 per

cent.

total expenditure Rs.5,73,100. The gross revenue in 1897-98 was Rs.8,38,000, and the The cultivated area is 206,541 acres, of which 95,247 are under rice and 86,155 under coffee. The total area assessed for coffee is 106,611 acres, of which 31,732 acres are held by European planters. Some abandoned coffee land has been planted with tea, as an experiment. The cultivation of cinchona has proved unprofitable. The total exports are estimated at Rs.22,49,000, including 2462 tons of coffee, valued at Rs.19,69,600. The imports are estimated at Rs. 29,02,000. There is no railway. In 1896-97 the number of schools was 120, attended by 5115 pupils. The proportion of boys at school was 30 per cent. of those of school-going age, compared with 2.3 per cent. for all India; the proporfor all India. There are no colleges, but 24 scholarships tion of girls was 7 per cent., compared with 2.3 per cent. are given to maintain Coorg students at colleges in Madras and Mysore. There are two secondary schools, at Mercara and Virajendrapet, with 647 pupils, two printing-presses, one of which issues the Coorg Gazette, and seven dispensaries.

Copan. Since the time of Stephens this ruined city of the Mayas in North Honduras has again been several times visited by Mr A. P. Maudsley during the eighth and ninth decades of the 19th century. His chief finds have been some elaborately sculptured monoliths, standing still erect, or inclined like the Tower of Pisa, and a fine ornamental doorway of a temple. He has also made the important discovery that all the truncated pyramidal mounds were at one time crowned with temples, and are thus shown to be of the same character as those at Uxmal, Chichen Itza, and other places in Yucatan, i.e., teocalli, "God's Houses," like the pyramids of Cholula, Teotihuacan, and Papantla in Mexico. Drawings, castings, and rubbings were taken of several of the monuments, and are published in the Biologia Centrali - Americana. fessor Eduard Seler of Berlin also explored the place in 1897, that is, less than three years after Maudsley's last visit, and found that in that short interval many of the remains had again become so thickly moss-grown that it was difficult to distinguish their outlines, while the forest clearings made by former explorers to reach the sites of the ancient buildings were once more overgrown with dense bush.

Pro

Copenhagen (Danish, Kjöbenhavn, "the merchants' haven "), the capital of Denmark, situated in 55° 41′ 13′′ N. lat. and 12° 34′ 44′′ E. long. Since 1875 the population has doubled itself, and in 1901, inclusive of the suburbs, amounted to 491,340. Not only has the city grown in extent also during this period, but considerable public improvements have been effected, the only alteration in the opposite direction being the destruction of the palace of Christiansborg by fire in 1884. Fortunately most of the art treasures which the palace contained were saved, but the edifice still remains a roofless ruin. The new public buildings are mostly found on the strip of land on which

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