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66 any of your predeceffors, we do not mean, that it should be understood, "that the fituation of this country is lefs deplorable now than it was upon

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your excellency's arrival; a period in which her fituation was admitted to "be defperate. On the contrary, we must lament, that every proposal, which "the wishes or abilities of your administration suggested, fupported by the "moft perfect conformity of parliament, in the course of four years has had no other effect, than to leave this country more exhaufted than ever, more "incumbered with taxes, more loaded with debt, and more oppreffed with "unneceffary establishments. That in the firft feffion of your excellency's government, we were induced to grant new taxes in time of profound peace, under a perfuafion, that the promised frugality of administration "would justify the unusual bounty of parliament, and put an end to the pernicious practice of running in debt. That in the fame feffion we fet the "example of œconomy to your excellency's administration, by abridging our own expences; and we provided for the payment of a great arrear, including a fifth half year, a liberality without precedent, but which we adopted to take away all pretence of prefenting us with a future arrear. That "the failure of thofe projects of finance propofed under your excellency's ad"ministration, as it was a teftimony of the poverty of the kingdom, fo it was an additional reafon for administration to preferve inviolate the folemn engagements of œconomy. That we cannot but lament, notwithstanding "the liberal confidence of parliament, the folemn profeffions of administra"tion, and the authenticated poverty of the kingdom, our fagacity cannot dif"cover any vifible retrenchment. On the contrary, we have been in the "courfe of this feffion furprifed with a new arrear, not lefs in proportion than "that incurred in the two laft years of the adminiftration of your predecef"for. We behold the old burdenfome establishments, which we know to be unneceffary, and feel to be infupportable, continued, and increafed; and we fee the old fpirit of profufion, which has long wafted us in time of peace, "oppofing every project of retrenchment, whether conceived in the shape of parliamentary refolution, or humble addrefs to the throne, with fatal fuc"cefs under your excellency's administration, which has been candid enough "to acknowledge public diftreffes, but not fortunate enough to relieve them. "When we ftate thefe facts, we do not mean to attribute them to your excellency's intentions, nor do we attribute to thofe intentions the alarming and "military powers given to the loweft officers in the revenue; as little do we "attribute

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"attribute to thofe intentions the flagrant violations of our conftitution "in the course of the laft four years. We are convinced the alteration of "four money bills, that breach of conftitution, and infult on the dignity "and bounty of this nation; the queftioning of the validity of the augmen"tation compact by fubtleties as dangerous as unintelligible; the involving "this country in a civil and unnatural war, the leaving her expofed to any "invafion by fending away her neceffary and ftipulated defence in profecu"tion of that civil war; the attack made on her law, and the interruption "of her trade in the courfe of that civil war; the refufal of a militia bill, "always eligible, now rendered neceffary for our fecurity, and fo qualified "as not to alarm the arbitrary fpirit of the times, were measures adopted "not in pursuance of your councils, but in total difregard of them; and we are the more ready to acquit your excellency's intentions of all those measures, because if they did infult this country, they did not less infult "and violate the dignity of its chief governor. And when your excellency "fhall return to the royal prefence, and lay before our fovereign the unhappy ftate of this kingdom, you will please to reprefent us as a nation un"able to exift for ten years under fuch a system of management as has unfortunately been purfued during your excellency's adminiftration; as a people. "not infenfible to an earnest of a favourable difpofition fhewn to us in fome "late acts refpecting our trade, confidering that in procefs of time they may "become a national benefit; but you will please to inform his majesty, that our condition is misunderstood, if it is thought that fuch acts do atone for "the total want of economy hitherto, or can fupport us under future pro"fufion. We entertain no doubt your excellency will make fuch reprefen"tation, conceiving the facts to be melancholy truths, and the reprefenta"tion of them incumbent upon you as an indifpenfable duty, because the "measures, which have perplexed our revenues, increafed our debt, and in"fulted our country, though we must fuppofe not agreeable to your fenti"ments, have all taken place under your administration."

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So much analogy exifted between the cafes of Ireland and America, that it became the fashion both in and out of parliament to put them on a parallel, and to argue indifferently from one and the other: the American war never was popular either in Great Britain or Ireland; but in the latter of those kingdoms, the people affumed the cause of America from sympathy; in the former they abetted it upon principle. Government was seriously alarmed at

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the honorable light in which the American rebellion was generally viewed,* and found it incumbent upon them to difcredit and debafe the cause of America to the utmoft. Lord Harcourt, in clofing the feffion, affured the parliament, that it must give fincere pleasure to every friend of Ireland to reflect, that whilst a great part of his majesty's dominions in America was torn and convulfed by a most unnatural rebellion, that kingdom wifely and affectionately perfevered in its duty, enjoyed the bleffings of tranquillity and abundance, and cultivated the arts of peace, and the improvements of commerce, agriculture, and manufactures. This flattering picture of the coun

* The American difpute, which so much engaged the attention of every part of the British empire, moft naturally attracted the confideration of the citizens of Dublin. In 1775, the Earl of Effingham, finding that the regiment in which he ferved was destined to act against the colonies, thought it inconfiftent with his character and unbecoming of his dignity to enforce measures with his fword, which he had condemned in his legislative capacity. He therefore wrote a letter to the fecretary at war, refigning his command in the army, and stating his reafons for it. This conduc rendered that nobleman extremely popular, and the city of Dublin, at the Midfummer quarter affembly, voted public thanks to Lord Effingham, "for having confiftently with the principles of a "true Englishman refused to draw his fword against the lives and liberties of his fellow-fubjects "in America." Soon after an addrefs of thanks, in fuller terms, was prefented to him from the guild of merchants of Dublin: the latter also presented an address of thanks to the several peers, who (as they faid)" in fupport of the conftitution, and in oppofition to a weak and wicked "administration, protested against the American Reftraining Bills." This addrefs, with the several anfwers of the lords to whom it was prefented, appeared at that time in the public papers, and produced a very strong fenfation throughout the nation. The fheriffs and commons of Dublin had for fome time endeavoured to obtain the concurrence of the then lord mayor and board of aldermen, in a petition to the throne, against the measures purfued with refpect to the colonies, but were answered by the latter, upon their first application, that the matter was of the highest importance, and therefore expedient. Upon a fubfequent occafion, however, a committee of fix aldermen, with as many of the common council, was appointed to draw up a petition and address; which after several weeks preparation or delay, being at length accomplished, the petition was arrefted in its further progrefs, by a negative from the lord mayor and aldermen. Upon this difappointment, the fheriffs and commons entered into resolutions, which they prefaced as follows: Anxious to preserve our reputations, from the odium, that must remain to all pofterity on the names of thofe, who in any wife promote the acts now carrying on in America; and feeling the most poignant grief, as well on account of the injured inhabitants of that country, as on that of our own brave countrymen, fent on the unnatural errand of killing their fellow-fubjects: Refolved, That it is the duty of every good citizen to "exert his utmost abilities to allay the unhappy disputes, that at present disturb the British empire." "Refolved, That whoever would refufe his confent to a dutiful petition to the king, tending to "undeceive his majesty, and by which it could be hoped that the effufion of one drop of fubject"blood might be prevented, is not a friend to the British conftitution,"

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try, however admired by fome, evidently bore no refemblance to the original. The fifcal refources, and financial state of a country's credit, ever weigh heavy in the scale of national profperity. The expences of the two preceding years ending at Lady-Day, 1775, exceeded the revenue by 247,7971. Os. 10 d. The national debt then amounted to 931,690l. 1s. 9id. and the pensions for the fame time to 158,685l. 4s. 8d. Parliament had again recourse to the ill-judged plan of raifing 175,000l. by another tontine, although they had already felt the inconveniency and disadvantage of that mode of borrowing. The greateft part of the fubfcriptions to the first tontine had been made out of the nation, fo that not only the expence of agency was incurred for the payment of the annuities in London, but the amount of thofe annuities being remitted out of the kingdom became an additional drain to its specie, and confequently an increase of the evil arifing from abfentees.

The firft octennial parliament had fcarcely lived four years, when the British cabinet found it expedient, that it should be diffolved. This parliament had during the laft feffion in two inftances oppofed their mandates, and when fummoned to attend the House of Peers, the commons through their speaker made a juft but ungracious and ineffectual reprefentation of the state of the nation. These symptoms of independency alarmed government, and created a diffidence in the fteadiness of thofe, who had enlisted under their banners. They looked to more steady submission in a future parliament, and diffolved the prefent. Mr. Pery was re-elected speaker by a majority of 141 to 98. The lord lieutenant did not meet the new parliament, which was convened in June, 1776, pro forma, and by feveral prorogations went over to the 14th of October, 1777.

It has been already mentioned, that in the feffion of 1775 a message from his majesty had been fent to the commons, requiring the use of 4000 men out of the army of Ireland for foreign fervice, and propofing to replace them by foreign Proteftant troops, without any expence to that country. The first part of the propofal was complied with, but the acceptance of foreign troops refused. The engagement for the difpofal of the public money, included in the foregoing meffage, without the confent or knowledge of the British Houfe of Commons, rendered this subject a matter of difcuffion in that body. On the 15th of February, 1776, Mr. Thomas Townshend (afterwards Lord Sydney), there introduced it as a breach of the privileges of that house, and stated his complaint in the following words: "That the Earl of 46 Harcourt,

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Harcourt, lord lieutenant general and general governor of Ireland, did, "on the 23d of November laft, in breach of the privileges, and in derogation. "of the honor and authority of that houfe, fend a written meffage to the "Houfe of Commons of the parliament of Ireland, figned with his own hand, to the following effect;" having then recited the meffage, he moved that a committee be appointed to enquire into the matter of the faid complaint, and to report the fame, as it fhould appear to them, to the house. This gentleman fupported his motion with great ability, and was equally well fupported by his friends. They maintained, that the privileges of the house, though applied to themfelves individually, or collectively in a more refined fenfe, were the indubitable right of all the commons of England, who had one general intereft in them. That though each of these were an object of confideration, they all funk to a very inferior degree of importance, when at all placed in oppofition to, or compared with that ineftimable privilege, the power of granting money, of holding the purse of their conftituents, and of guarding it from the hands of violence, art, or fraud. This was a trust of the firft magnitude, which, in fact, included every other; for while that was preferved inviolate, the crown would remain under the conftitutional control of parliament; but whenever that was wrefted by open force, defeated by indirect means, or done away by fraud, the liberties and privileges of the people would be for ever annihilated. They pointed out the wife, commendable, and well-founded jealoufy fhewn by the commons, when at any time, even the other houfe had interfered in the smallest degree with that great privilege; but that when any attempts of this fort were made by the crown, or its minifterial agents, they immediately caught the alarm; and however they were before divided, had, at all times, uniformly united, as if actuated by one foul, in refifting the fmalleft encroachment upon their power of granting or refufing their own money and that of their conftituents. They faid, that the meffage in queftion prefented facts, and contained matters of the most fufpicious and alarming nature. That if the conditions it held out had been accepted, the parliament of England would have been pledged to that of Ireland for the payment of 8000 men, only to have the use of 4000; fo that Ireland was to be bribed into an acceptance of this infidious bargain, by retaining her ufual establishment as to number, while fhe was to be eafed of one third of the burthen. That fuch a propofition could only have originated from the worst defigns, as the abfurdity, they faid, was too glaring to be

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