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vation of those advantages, is in my opinion only to be effected by a strict adherence to the prudent, liberal, conciliatory, and enlightened policy of Sir Henry Pottinger. My Lords, I will not detain your Lordships longer on this subject, but conclude by moving, that an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, returning the Thanks of this House for Her Majesty's most gracious Message, and to assure Her Majesty that this House will cheerfully concur in securing a Pension to Sir Henry Pottinger of 1,500l. a year for the term of his natural life.

Canton alone, in the year 1844, amounted, to 3,451,000l.; the value of Chinese goods exported for the British markets from the same port during the same period, amounted to 3,383,0007. This is a much larger sum than the annual British and foreign trade with the whole of China previously amounted to. Be it recollected, too, that this Return is confined to Canton; I say nothing about the northern ports of Shanghai and Amoy. I have every reason to believe that the trade in both those ports is rapidly increasing, and that there is every prospect of that increase being continued for a long time. Our intelligent Consul The Marquess of Lansdowne: The noin that part of the world, Mr. Macgregor, ble Earl has truly stated, that there have gives the most favourable view of our been other opportunities afforded in this commercial prospects. He says, that there House at other times for evincing the disis no appearance of any glut; that all per- position which prevailed throughout this sons engaged in Chinese commerce had House, as it did throughout the country, fulfilled their engagements; that no bank- to acknowledge in the services of Sir Henry ruptcies of any note had been declared; Pottinger some of the most eminent that and to this I myself may add, that I hope have ever been rendered to this country. it will be in my power to lay such Papers But I feel, that although that has been the before the House as will show, that the case heretofore, it is impossible to allow interest and the importance of these events this Answer to Her Majesty's Message to are greater than any estimate yet made be put to the vote without endeavouring has affixed to them. Besides these obser- to express, on behalf both of myself and vations, which I have thought it necessary others, the sense of gratitude and approto address to your Lordships, I have much bation with which this House must view pleasure in being able to state, that ever the intention of Her Majesty to confer a since the conclusion of our Treaty with the signal mark of distinction upon Sir Henry Chinese Government, the best understand- Pottinger, in testimony of Her approval ing and the utmost cordiality have pre- of his services. Those services were alvailed. Amongst other causes, I impute luded to by the noble Earl in a manner so this to the practice of good faith; and I distinct and emphatic, coming from a pertrust that nothing may happen to change son having immediate acquaintance with the relations, or to disturb the friendly the details of his services, that I feel it is feeling which now happily subsists between impossible for me to add anything to what the authorities and the subjects of both he has said in recommending to your Lordcountries; and I earnestly hope that the ships the measure that is proposed, in acpeople of England will recollect that ad- knowledgment of the services of Sir Henry vantages so important as those which we Pottinger. The noble Earl has truly stahave obtained in China are not to be pre-ted that those services have been of a pecuserved otherwise than by a scrupulous regard to justice; and I also hope it will be remembered that no temporary benefit could compensate for the evil of placing in jeopardy the great commercial advantages which we have gained. If we are to preserve this great good, and to extend it, we must carry on our intercourse with the Chinese people in a manner calculated to inspire and to preserve their confidence. It is only necessary for me now to repeat, that this extension of our commerce, and the other advantages which we have acquired in China, are, in a great degree, to be imputed to the negotiations carried on by the subject of this Vote; and the preser

liar nature, uniting circumstances which have never been conjoined before in the services of any man, I may venture to say, entrusted with important functions by his Sovereign. Sir Henry Pottinger went out to China instructed by one Government, and he performed the duties entrusted to him by that Government with its entire approbation; he received instructions of another Government, which succeeded in office the Administration by which he had been originally commissioned; and we hear from the highest authority, that those instructions also he executed in a manner to command their entire and warm approbation. It was most truly observed by the

noble Earl, and it is that peculiar feature | vote ow proposed to your Lordships. in the case to which I think your Lord- But cannot, in common justice to my ships' attention ought to be directed, that gallant Friends, Sir Hugh Gough, and having been enabled to give the greatest Sir W. Parker, and the officers and men of effect to a combined system of military the Army and Navy, who with unparalleled operations, one of the largest which the zeal, energy, and valour, carried into exeworld has ever seen, there was something cution the instructions they received, and in his proceeding and character which en- thus enabled Sir H. Pottinger to give effect abled him to convert feelings of what to the instructions he received for the negomight have been expected to be mortifica- tiation of the Treaty of peace-I cannot, I tion into a different spirit, and to engraft say, allow to pass altogether without notice the happiest results of peace on the most services such as those rendered by the triumphant operations of war. With re- Army and Navy-services to which I trace spect to the immediate amount of the re- the great results dwelt upon by my noble ward which had been proposed, I do not Friend, because I know that, without their wish to urge anything on Her Majesty's assistance, such results could not have been Government, in any hostile spirit, beyond attained. What has been done with the that which they have proposed. At the Chinese has not been done by reasoning: same time I must be permitted to say, the people of that country have not been that although I feel the inconvenience of reasoned into a peace, but beaten into it. urging anything on Government, beyond The result obtained is due much more to that which they may conceive to be the our arms, than to our diplomacy. I should just measure of reward, yet, if they had have scarcely taken this opportunity of gone further, and extended the provision calling your Lordships' attention to another to the amount of the largest which is circumstance, if the noble Marquess oppomade for Ambassadors retiring from public site had not appeared to have fallen into a service, I do not believe that a single strange misconception on a point respecting dissenting voice would have been heard in which I should have thought he must have either House of Parliament. What nego- been better informed. He seemed to think, tiation-what Treaty has resembled this? that to Sir H. Pottinger was to be imWhat, in the result of the scheme itself, puted not only the success of our negotia. or of succeeding events, has been equal to tions, but that of our arms. The naval and it in extending the commerce of the coun-military operations were not under the ditry, and placing it on a footing which is rection of Sir Henry Pottinger; nay, more, immense in its immediate results, and still I have every reason to believe that Sir more in the magnitude of the results which Henry Pottinger entirely disapproved of at a future day may be expected? In the operations which led to ultimate sucwhat I have said, I do not impute to Her cess: that he expressed his opinion of the Majesty's Government any backwardness, hopelessness of success by means of our after the emphatic terms they had put naval and military operations in the Yanginto Her Majesty's mouth, acknowledging tse-Kiang, and imagined that they could not the services of Sir Henry Pottinger; but be effective anywhere, for the reduction I do presume that it was from some of the Chinese to our terms except in the particular consideration not stated that immediate vicinity of Pekin. I agree with their recommendation has stopped short my noble Friend in giving every just and where it does, from what motive I wil! proper tribute of applause where it is due not inquire. I am certain that on every for civil services; but I do not think it fair ground such a course would have been that a like recompense should not be given most desirable. to those services of the Army and Navy, by which alone Sir Henry Pottinger was enabled to give effect to the instructions he received. Your Lordships, I have no doubt, will ratify the vote of the House of Commons as to Sir Henry Pottinger. Sir H. Gough has already re

The Earl of Ellenborough: Nothing ought to be more gratifying to Sir H. Pottinger than the encomium pronounced upon him by my noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Office, because my noble Friend knows better than any man - I may almost say he alone fully knows-ceived a high appointment, one of the the nature of the services rendered by Sir H. Pottinger. On that subject I shall not add a word to the eulogium of my noble Friend. I most fully concur in the

greatest dignity, authority, and emolument, which the Government can confer. That is his just reward. But permit me to ask, how have Sir W. Parker's ser

admit, for his own comfort, before he was appointed to the most important command which it is in the power of the Government to give. He is about to proceed, as my noble Friend probably recollects, to the command of the Mediterranean fleet. I am not going to enter into a comparison of the civil and military services. It is undoubtedly true, that the way was made for Sir Henry Pottinger's negotiations by the exertions of Her Majesty's brave forces by sea and land. I am not going to enter on that subject. My object was to state, as an answer to my noble Friend's complaint, that both Houses of Parliament and the Crown have paid a tribute of gratitude and applause to the two gallant individuals to whom my noble Friend has alluded.

vices been considered? Had he commanded a small squadron of ships and met and defeated another squadron at sea, no doubt he would have been rewarded in a similar way to Sir H. Pottinger. But Sir W. Parker's services were far beyond such as could be performed in a single action. They were extended over three or four months, in a river full of shoals, which was partly unknown. Surrounded by enemies, he had to conduct through an intricate navigation seventy vessels; and he not only conducted them through that navigation, but he did so with unvaried success. I know nothing in our naval records superior to Sir W. Parker's conduct of this fleet. Knowing, as he did, the principles-the just principles on which that war was to be conducted that it The Earl of Ellenborough: I know the was a war against the Government, and Crown has bestowed on them all that the not against the people of the country; he Crown can bestow. I believe that the did not derive from the war those pecuniary Government is desirous to appoint the best advantages which might be supposed to officer they could get, and therefore nomibelong to his position. I think I am justi-nated Sir W. Parker to the Mediterranean fied, therefore, in bringing under the attention of the House his services, as commanding their consideration. I have thought it my duty to say so much, as well from a regard to the great interests of the country, as to the reputation of the brave and honourable men to whom I have referred, and with whom I have had the honour of acting in the public service.

The Earl of Haddington: If my noble Friend had been in the country-as he was not-when an account of the great services to which he referred reached us, he would have known that there was conveyed to the two gallant officers whom he has named the Thanks of both Houses of Parliament. In the course of the discussion which took place on that occasion, noble Lords in this place, and hon. Gentlemen in another, dwelt at large, but not more than was well deserved, in praise of both these gallant officers. I am certain, that neither Sir W. Parker, nor the British Navy, can ever forget the speech of my noble Friend the noble Duke near me (Wellington) on that occasion. He did not confine his remarks to the commander of the military forces; but, in a way that was almost impossible in any respect to approach, he gave their fair share of approbation to Her Majesty's ships, and to the gallant and distinguished leader who conducted them. Further, Sir W. Parker has received the Grand Cross of the Bath, and he was made on his return home a Baronet; and he did not remain at home long enough, I

fleet; but that does not really touch the point at issue-which is pecuniary reward, and not rewards of honour.

The Earl of Haddington: I may be allowed, on the part of the Navy, to say, that other individuals besides Sir W. Parker might have been found qualified to take the command of the Mediterranean fleet.

The Earl of Ellenborough: With the exception of Sir G. Cockburn, there is no one with whom you can compare him as a commander.

The Marquess of Lansdowne: Having long lived on terms of intimacy with Sir W. Parker, and having heard from civilians, military, and naval men, the most unqualified testimony to his services as a great commander, I should be the last person, not only to say anything which might be considered a disparagement of such a man, but to omit any opportunity which could by possibility be taken advantage of, in doing him justice. But, as my noble Friend at the head of the Admiralty has said, the occasion for acknowledging those services has already been seized upon; for the honour of his Sovereign, the tribute of thanks by both Houses, and the command of the most important station on the globe, constitute a full acknowledgment of services, however great they may be.

The Earl of Ellenborough: I am sure the noble Marquess does not understand me. I merely stated that he was under an erroneous impression as to Sir Hugh

Gough and Sir William Parker. The noble Marquess stated that they were under the direction of Sir Henry Pottinger, whereas they were not under his direction. The Marquess of Lansdowne: They were instructed to be in constant communication with him.

An humble Address ordered, Nemine Dissentiente

He was afraid, notwithstanding the laudable intentions of the Government, that their measures brought forward for the purpose of allaying discontent in Ireland, had been hitherto unfortunately unsuccessful; and that his noble Friend (the Marquess of Clanricarde) gave, on Friday, a true description of the state of the public mind in Ireland; and he thought if this Bill was to be merely considered as a boon "To be presented to Her Majesty, to return Her Majesty the Thanks of this House to be bestowed on those who were weak, for Her Majesty's most Gracious Message, in- it could not produce the salutary conseforming this House that Her Majesty is de-quences it was calculated to confer. He sirous of conferring a signal Mark of Her Favour and Approbation upon the Right Honourable Sir Henry Pottinger, Baronet and G.C.B., in consideration of the eminent Services rendered by him; and particularly on account of the Zeal, Ability, and Judgment displayed by him, as Her Majesty's Plenipotentiary, in negotiating a Treaty of Commerce with the Emperor of China; and to assure Her Majesty that this House will cheerfully concur in securing a Pension to Sir Henry Pottinger of 1,500l. a Year, for the Term of his natural Life."

MAYNOOTH COLLEGE (IRELAND) BILL.] Order of the Day for the Third Reading read. Moved, That the Bill be now read 33.

begged leave to state that he could not support this measure as supplying a defect in the former grant to Maynooth. He did not approve it merely on the dilapidated state of the building, or the wretched condition of the students. He thought it an abundant answer to those who refused their assent to the measure on religious grounds, that it was only a continuance of a former grant; but if it were considered merely as an isolated measure, and that nothing more was to be done for the country, he doubted whether the advantages that had been anticipated would result from it. He could not support this Bill as the commencement of the endowment of the Roman Catholic Church of Ireland out of the Lord Campbell said, he presented him- public Revenue. To endow the Roman self before their Lordships, for the purpose Catholic Church out of the public Reveof shortly stating the grounds on which he nue, and to allow the Protestant Church intended strongly to support the present to remain in its present monstrous dimenmeasure. There was no doubt that the sions, was a proposal, that come from what Bill would be carried by an overwhelming quarter it might, he must dissent from ; majority; but the practical effects of the being fully convinced we could never exBill would mainly depend on the reasons pect peace or contentment until there was which were adduced in favour of the meaa complete equality between Protestants sure. He was anxious to state that he and Roman Catholics, as to civil and relidid not support the measure from any ap-gious rights. He supported it, because he prehension of agitation; he was not one who supported the Bill from the fear of agitation at home, or the dread of foreign wars; for he was of opinion, if the measure was declared to be a concession to agitation, that declaration would place Mr. O'Connell on a pinnacle of glory which he never yet attained, and must afford him a greater triumph than the decision of their Lordships' House, by which he was liberated from confinement. Such grounds of justification would excuse, or at least palliate, the most censurable parts of that Gentleman's conduct. Nor did he support this measure because the Government had gained a triumph over agitation-because they were so strong that they could afford to be generous, and therefore bestowed as a boon what they might otherwise have withheld.

considered it a Parliamentary recognition that hereafter Protestants and Catholics were to be dealt with alike. A right rev. Prelate, at the early part of this debate, acknowledged he could suggest no plan by which Ireland could be governed. He (Lord Campbell) ventured with confidence to suggest a plan by which Ireland might not only be governed, but be made peaceable, contented, prosperous, loyal, and patriotic. It was this-to place Protestants and Roman Catholics exactly on an equal footing. So much would give content to the Catholics-with less they ought not to be satisfied. If he were an Irish Roman Catholic, there was no measure to which he would not resort (short of combining with a foreign enemy, or looking with pleasure on the distressed state of the

Empire), for the purpose of obtaining an equality of rights with his Protestant countrymen. Such a measure as combining with a foreign enemy, or looking with pleasure on the jeopardy of the Empire, when any demands might be extorted, was one which he abhorred. He considered such language seditious-he considered it treasonable, and he could not express in sufficiently strong terms his reprobation of it. But a Roman Catholic would be justified by all lawful and constitutional means, to insist on being treated on a footing of perfect equality, in religous as in secular matters, with his Protestant brethren. He did not complain of the existence of the Episcopal Protestant Church in Ireland-he was one of those who placed no trust in the voluntary principle. He thought it the duty of the State to provide religious instruction and the consolations of religion to the several persuasions that prevailed under the Government, at the public expense. In poor and remote districts they could not trust to voluntary exertions for the supply of such wants; and those not provided with religious instruction ran the danger of being left entirely destitute of it. It was, at the same time, very important to the character of the clergy themselves, that they should not be left entirely dependent on their flocks; but that they should, without being driven to resort to unworthy measures for such an object, obtain such a decent subsistence as would give them leisure for the performance of their religious duties. The Protestants should have their religious wants amply supplied; and he would never sanction any measure which had the slightest tendency to deprive them of the rights to which they were entitled. But we knew there were 7,000,000 of Roman Catholics who were required to obey the law-who were called on to contribute to the public Revenue, and who were asked to defend the State by their personal services. Now, ought not a similar provision to be made for the religious instruction of such men, as for that of their Protestant brethren? It had been said, that the Roman Catholic religion had a tendency to promote sedition. If that were the case, God forbid that he should sanction the promulgation of its tenets; but he considered that no just ground had been shown for withholding instruction from his fellow countrymen of that persuasion. He fully agreed in the opinion of the noble Secretary for the Colonies (Lord Stanley), who asked the other night, if any father would not prefer that

his son should be educated in the Roman Catholic religion, rather than that he should be without any religious instruction? As there appeared to be no hope of converting their Roman Catholic countrymen to the Protestant faith, was it not advisable to provide them with a well-educated clergy, who would be duly qualified to exercise their sacred functions? The question was not whether there were errors in the Reman Catholic religion. They must always recur to this first question-whether it is not much better that, with all its errors, the Roman Catholic religion should receive the protection of the State, than it should be left entirely dependent upon voluntary support? In the course of the discussions on this Bill extreme opinions of St. Thomas Aquinas, Maldonatus, and other Roman Catholic theologians, had been quoted; but those opinions might be paralleled by passages from Calvin, who recommended the burning of heretics, and from Luther, who strongly advocated polygamy. He must express his indignation at the attempts which had been made to poison the public mind against the Roman Catholic religion, by selecting and bringing together detached passages from old Catholic writers of an indecent or profane character, and then insinuating that such was the staple matter of the creed itself. A great deal had been said about the confessional, but if they were to have a confessional, the confessors must be instructed in their duties. In imposing penances they must know what were venial and what mortal sin. It was surely of great importance to all Roman Catholics that their priests should be a well-educated clergy, endowed by the State. What reason could there be why Roman Catholics and Protestants should not associate harmoniously together in Ireland, as well as in Holland, or France or Prussia? In Hanover there was no distinction between the two religions. But it was said, that in Ireland they had no control over the appointment of Roman Catholic bishops, or over the discipline of the Roman Catholic clergy. Did they doubt that if proper measures were taken they might not have communication and an understanding with the Papal Court, as France or Prussia had? He maintained that intercourse could be kept up between this country and the Court of Rome without the violation of any law. Up to the time of William and Mary, there was nothing in the Statutes against the holding of diplomatic intercourse with the Holy See; and even the laws afterwards passed were only

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