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peep at Lord Wellington and his merry men." Scott was casting about for a subject for his fourth poem, and wanted to get the imagery for his battle pieces at first hand. If "The Welling toniad" had turned out no better than "The Field of Waterloo" we may bear the loss of the Peninsular epic with equanimity.

Among the plays unwritten may be reckoned the tragedies that Collins planned in vain, Jonson's "Mortimer," Rossetti's "Pompey," and Byron's drama on the life of Hannibal which would have covered ground already traversed by Lee more than a century before. Burns, too, at one time contemplated a national drama, but the bursting of a cloud of family misfortunes had the effect, he tells us, of arresting its execution; when later in life the poet discovered the true bent of his genius, he naturally gave up the tragic muse for a mistress of more be nign aspect. Coleridge in his early period of activity planned a drama on King Stephen, which was to be in the manner of Shakespeare, and another on Michael Scott, which was apparently to be in the manner of Goethe. While yet at Frankfort, in the springtime of his busy life, Goethe had projected no less than three poetical dramas, with Mahomet, the Wandering Jew, and Prometheus for their respective heroes. His seething brain was so crowded with ideas and visions that, in spite of his wonderful productiveness, it was impossible for them all to find expression before they were in turn driven from his mind by still fresher and newer fancies. His play "The Natural Daughter" was only the first part of a trilogy which was to deal with ideas suggested by the French Revolution. The other two parts were never written; and the same fate befell the play suggested to him by the most marvellous product of that revolution. When Napoleon visited Weimar, he was present at a performance of Voltaire's "La Mort de César," which he affected to disparage, suggesting that Goethe should write a better drama on the same theme.

That Goethe thought well of Voltaire as a dramatic writer may be argued from his translating two of the Frenchman's plays, and perhaps this prevented him from profiting by Napoleon's suggestion.

If Shelley had carried out his intention of writing a tragedy on the subject of Tasso's madness he would have been walking in the footsteps of Goethe. He tells Peacock in 1818 that he has set aside all that summer and the next year to the composition of this play, whose subject he finds to be admirably dramatic and poetical. "But you will say I have no dramatic talent; very true in a certain sense; but I have taken the resolution to see what kind of a tragedy a person without dramatic talent could write." Apparently the only result of all this promise was the song for Tasso, beginning

I loved-alas! Our life is love.

Fragments of two other unfinished dra mas are printed among his works: one a strange tale of an Indian enchantress and a "savage but noble" pirate, the other dealing with King Charles the First. This latter play he mentions first in 1821, but six months later he still speaks of it as conceived but not born, and adds, "unless I am sure of making something good the play will not be written. Pride that ruined Satan will kill Charles the First." Again, in the next year, he writes: "I am now engaged on Charles the First, and a devil of a nut it is to crack." Besides this he mentions three poems which shall be companions to his "Julian and Maddalo," the scenes to be laid at Rome, Florence, and Naples, and the subjects drawn from dreadful or beautiful realities. At the same time he is preparing an octavo volume on reform, which he is not going to trouble himself to finish that year. This mixture of poetry and politics in one of the most poetical and unpractical of poets is curious. In a letter written from Naples in 1819 he cries out: "Oh, if I had health and strength and equal spirits what boundless intel

lectual improvement might I not gather in this wonderful country!" "At present," he adds, and we may imagine him sighing as he made the sad confession, "at present I write little else but poetry, and little of that... I consider poetry very subordinate to moral and political science, and if I were well certainly I would aspire to the latter; for I can conceive a great work embodying the discoveries of all ages and harmonising the contending creeds by which mankind have been ruled." After all this it comes as a relief to read "Far from me is such an attempt." His work, despite Matthew Arnold's surmise, was to "write little else but poetry," and fortunately his political mood soon passed. Perhaps a remark at the end of the letter from which we have quoted (referring to a slight derangement of the liver) may partly explain it. It is natural that an intellect so feverishly active as Shelley's should be continuously sketching out new plans for the future, and his correspondence gives ample indication that this was so. "I am full of all kinds of literary plans," he says more than once; and in another place, speaking more definitely, "my thoughts aspire to a production of a far higher character than [Charles the First] but the execution of it will require some years. I write what I write chiefly to inquire by the reception which my writings meet with how far I am fit for so great a task." If Shelley had seriously troubled himself about the reception given to his poems he might well have dissuaded himself from furnishing any more "jingling food for the hunger of oblivion;" but fortunately for mankind he did not suffer his faint welcome to interfere with his productiveness.

It is unlikely that what "Trollope called Thackeray's idleness lost the world another "Esmond" or another "Barry Lyndon." At the same time, procrastination was always a characteristic of the great novelist from the time when at Cambridge he entered in his diary, "No news to-day, but strong resolutions for to-morrow," to his later 718

LIVING AGE.

VOL. XIV.

and busier years. At eighteen he proposed to write for a college prize an essay on the influence of the Homeric poems on the religion, the politics, the literature, and the society of Greece, but modestly conceded that the subject would require more study than he had time to give it; then, when his brief career at college had come to a close, we find him at Weimar on visiting terms with Goethe but with a preference for Schiller, whose works he proposes to translate, apparently in their entirety. In a letter to his mother he quotes a little stanza as expressing Schiller's opinion, "or rather, as is said in an admirable translation of that great poet by a rising young man of the name of Thackeray." In the same vein, half serious, half in jest, he declared in after years that he was going to write a novel of Henry the Fifth's time in which the ancestors of his most famous characters should figure. It was to be "a most magnificent performance, and nobody would read it." A more serious loss is the history of the reign of Anne for which at the time of his death he had made considerable preparation by the accumulation of material. This work, for which he had some striking qualifications, was destined to remain unwritten, together with Goldsmith's "Dictionary of Arts and Sciences," Ascham's "Book of the Cockpit," and Adam Smith's great work on law and government of which "The Wealth of Nations" was to form but a small section.

In the preface to the first volume of his Conversations Landor describes a literary ambition that had long held a place in his thoughts. "Should health and peace of mind remain to me," runs the passage, "and the enjoy ment of a country where if there are none to assist at least there is none to molest me, I hope to leave behind me completed the great object of my studies, an orderly and solid work in history, and I cherish the persuasion that posterity will not confound me with the Coxes and Foxes of the age." His anxiety to figure as an historian reminds us rather of "Raphael's sonnets,

Dante's picture," but it was a design that haunted him for many years. Originally it had been his idea to join forces with Southey; but gradually the thought of collaboration died out and the scheme developed into one for a history of England from 1775 to be exhibited in a series of letters. That some part of this work was actually written we are informed in one of Landor's political pamphlets entitled "Letters of a Conservative," in which he speaks of his original intention as being well known ΤΟ many distinguished men; the title which he intended to give the work being bestowed on the pamphlet instead. In those letters he had attempted, he says, "to trace and to expose the faults and fallacies of every administration from the beginning of the year 1775;" but they were all thrown into the fire. Landor, like Collins, was in the habit of putting his compositions in the fire when anything happened to excite his temper, which, as we know, was very easily excited. As early as 1811, when Longman rejected his "Count Julian," he committed his new tragedy of "Ferranti and Giulio" to the flames, with a vow that no verse of his should thereafter be committed to anything else. Fortunately his resentment did not last very long; but at times it would break out again, and the destruction of more manuscripts would be necessary to appease it.

Much that Ben Jonson wrote went also into the fire, but not with his will. In his poem on the burning of his library Jonson gives a list of the lost manuscripts, one of which was the narrative of his journey into Scotland. While he was in that country he informed Drummond of his intention to write such an account, and at the same time spoke of a "fisher or pastoral" play that was engaging his thoughts, the scene of which was to be laid near Loch Lomond. Both these works are. missing; the former is known to have been burned, the second was probably never written. It would have been a particularly interesting play in view of the dramatist's problematical Scot

tish descent. There is not much doubt that his forbears were of Border origin, and two of his lost plays certainly dealt with Scottish subjects, "The Scot's Tragedy" and "Robert the Second, King of Scots;" on the other hand there is the statement that the objection taken to "Eastward Ho" by those in authority was that it contained “something against the Scots." One may assume, however, that on the whole his attitude towards the Scottish people would have been more complimentary than that of his namesake of the eighteenth century. Besides this play he had it in his heart to write an epic to celebrate the heroes of his own time, and another to perform a similar kind office for the famous women of the same age; but neither of these projects came to anything.

Elizabethan writers seem to have been quite conscious of the greatness of their own time, and were anxious to leave no doubtful record of it behind them. Many years before the idea of his "Heroologia" had come to Jonson there was a young writer exercising his satirical pen on the people he saw around him. This led him incidentally to a defence of plays and, in the course of a spirited attack upon the actor's enemies, Nash takes occasion to commend the English practitioners in that profession, especially the subsequent founder of Dulwich College, famous Ned Allen. "If I ever write anything in Latin (as I hope one day I shall)," he says, "not a man of any desert here amongst us but I will have up. Tarleton, Ned Allen, knell, Bentley shall be made known to France, Spain, and Italy and not a part that they surmounted in more than other but I will there note and set down with the manner of their habits and attire." Unfortunately Nash died before he could carry out his intention. Had he achieved his desire our scanty knowledge of the Elizabethan stage would have received a valuable supplement, though if he had persevered in his design to use Latin for his purpose his book would have lost a great charm in the eyes of those who are able to ad

be imagined when we remember that Heywood was writing for the theatres as early as the first performance of "The Merchant of Venice," and composed his last civic pageant when the Long Parliament was sitting, that his experience was that of actor, playwright, and sharer in the company, that he was a graduate of Cambridge, and above all that he had lived on terms of comparative intimacy with all the men that have made that age the most glorious in the annals of our literature. And in spite of Browning we should be glad to have the memoirs of those men written by an associate. As it is, however, Shakespeare can still smile at our curiosity,-curiosity not necessarily idle or vulgar.

mire the virility and flexibility of Nash's to the historian of our early drama may idiomatic style. But there was another work alluded to more than once by the writers of that age whose manuscript, could it be found, would be worth its weight in gold to the New Shakespeare Society. The author was Thomas Heywood, one of the most prolific writers on record, who confessed to have written, either wholly on in part, no less than two hundred and twenty plays, and whose other labors, epic, satiric, historical, didactic, would in themselves have earned for any man the title of voluminous. The work he proposed to himself was Johnson's task in the following century, only it was more inclusive in its plan. The design was in his mind for many years in spite of the incessant fluency of his pen. As an instance of the speed of his composition his "Nine Books of We ask and ask: thou smilest and art still. Various History Concerning Women" may be adduced, a folio of nearly five hundred pages, which, he declares, was conceived, begun, executed, and printed in seventeen weeks. Evidently he found that his "Lives of the Poets" required greater labor and more careful handling than the work about women, for as early as 1614 we get a hint of his intention; again in 1624 he speaks of his resolution, and eleven years later he alludes to it in his "Hierarchy of the Blessed Angels" as a work "which hereafter I hope by God's assistance to commit to the public view; namely, the lives of all the poets foreign and modern, from the first before Homer to the novissimi and last, of what nation or language soever." Seeing that Heywood was alive in 1648, if not later, it seems that this work should be regarded as a lost book rather than as an unwritten one, but the result to posterity is the same. Most likely he was still struggling with his mass of materials when the troublous times of the Civil War came upon him. The theatres were closed; actors and playwrights were sunk in poverty and disgrace, and information concerning poets by a player and dramatist was at a serious discount. What the recovery of his manuscript would mean

Other men of genius have made resolutions and formed projects, but few have let the world into the secrets of their studies so habitually or so ingenuously as Coleridge. A poem planned was to him as good as a poem written, and as real. The question of presentation was a subordinate one to him, but to us it is an all-important matter; and it is not altogether selfish to complain that he kept so much of the fruit of his imagination to himself, denying us the pleasure of a share in the feast. Almost as soon as he reached Germany he set about a history of German poetry which was to occupy two quarto volumes; he also contemplated a complete translation of Lessing and Wieland, and was particularly anxious about a life of the former poet. Later on he intended a life of Wallenstein to be prefixed to his translations from Schiller, but it was abandoned either because of the reason he himself alleges, or because of his habitually "sloth-jaundiced" temperament. His friends all bewailed this characteristic. "To rely on you whole quartos!" says Southey quoting his friend's promise, “dear Coleridge. the smile that comes with that thought is a very melancholy one. Cottle de

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reading from his note-book the titles of no less than eighteen separate works which he had made up his mind to write, and not one of which ever saw the light. The work which advanced most nearly to completion was, according to the same authority, "Translations of the Modern Latin Poets" in two volumes octavo, of which Coleridge had really proceeded so far as to print a prospectus. It is easy to follow Cottle's lead and make fun of poor Coleridge for inconsistencies and discrepancies which all can see; but if any one is disposed to condemn him, let him read this passage from his "Table Talk," in which the dreamer pleads extenuation with all the sensitive eloquence that at all times characterized him, and then perhaps the judgment will not be so harsh.

From Good Words. THE PATRIOT SONGS OF GREECE. The interposition of Greece in the troubles of Crete carries one's thoughts back to that stormy period, between 1770 and 1830, which closed with the recognition of the independence of the kingdom of Greece. It was a time rich in story and song-a Homeric time in the country of Homer; and it is singular how little it is remembered in this country or rather how little many of its most picturesque episodes have ever been known.

Perhaps the best possible way to enlist the sympathy and interest of the general reader in this past time is to give a few renderings of some of the popular songs of that epoch-songs which yet linger in remote corners of Greece, where there are still aged grandfathers who can remember the heroes of some of the later ballads.

We must explain, to begin with, that this long protracted conflict between Greece and Turkey was mainly a guerilla warfare, carried on by Greek Highlanders dwelling on the mountains

to which their forefathers had been driven as to well-nigh impregnable fortresses. of These men were called "Klephts," and from time to time their numbers were augmented by the people of the plains, as tyranny became too bitter, or taxation too extortionate.

There are two sides to every question. If thou hast genius and poverty to thy lot, dwell on the foolish, perplexing, imprudent, dangerous, and even immoral, conduct of promise-breach in small things, of want of punctuality, of procrastination in all its shapes and disguises. . . . But if thy fate should be different, shouldst thou possess competence, health and ease mind, and then be thyself called upon to judge such faults in another so gifted-O! then, upon the other view of the question, say, Am I in ease and comfort, and dare I wonder that he, poor fellow, acted so and so? Dare I accuse him? Ought I not to shadow forth to myself that, glad and luxuriating in a short escape from anxiety, his mind over-promised for itself; that, want combating with his eager desire to produce things worthy of fame, he dreamed of the nobler when he should have been producing the meaner, and so had the meaner obtruded on his moral being, when the nobler was making full way on his intellectual. . . . Take him in his whole-his head, his heart, his wishes, his innocence of all selfish crime, and, a hundred years hence, what will be the result? The good-were it but a single volume that made truth more visible, and goodness more lovely, and pleasure at once more akin to virtue and, self-doubled, more pleasurable! And the evil-while he lived, it injured none but himself: and where is it now? In his grave. Follow it not thither.

It may be noted that these songs-as is always the case with songs which spring, simple and strong, from the heart of a people are dramatic in form, and waste no words either in "description" or "sentiment." They have been intended for sympathetic and comprehending ears, on which every phrase would tell for its full value.

One of the oldest of these ballads recounts how certain Moslem rulers, desiring the death of a leading "Klepht,” sought to compass it by guile, sending on the errand a Moslem who had been on friendly terms with the Greek. But the Moslem's heart failed him at the treachery, and though he did not refuse his errand he avowed it.

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