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then it will take a good long time, and which my opponent blundered, watchmany repetitions of various caddies' iug his head and shoulders—the only adverse opinions of his arithmetical part of him visible—from the other powers to throw anything like a seri- side. He made several strokes, and at ous doubt upon his honor. And yet last jerked the ball over. I thought it what club is there which does not pos- had taken four to get out, but he desess one or two members of whom it is clared that the three first strokes were sotto voce said that if you play with only practice ones at the sand. I, of them you will have to look pretty course, could not contradict this, and, sharply after their score?

being of a placable temperament, reIt is the commonly accepted belief frained from pointing out that it was that the vast majority of golf players scarcely etiquette to practise strokes belong to a class which is incapable of when practically out of sight in a cheating-at all events out of business bunker. hours. I am sorry to have to express Apart from instances of this sort, the deliberate conviction that the be- nothing is easier than to intentionally lief in the honor and honesty of golfers forget a stroke when counting up after has very unsubstantial foundation in holing out on the green. As a matter of fact. I have golfed for a number of fact, unless one steadily counts as one years over all kinds of greens, and goes along, it is quite easy to genuwith all sorts of people; and on in- icely make a mistake, and it is to this numerable occasions I have been fact that the habitual cheater trusts driven to strongly suspect my oppo- should at any time his miscount be denent of cheating, and on many occa- tected. And if, being somewhat sions I have positively detected him in doubtful of the accuracy of his comso doing. In a match, as every golfer putation, you endeavor to recall his inknows, the two players often dividual strokes, he will very likely pretty widely separated. Under such tell you that it is not etiquette to do circumstances it is obvious that vari- so. No doubt he is right in a certain ous minor acts of cheating are com- sense, for it is the honorable custom of paratively easy. If a player discovers good golfers to entirely trust each his ball in a rather bad lie, he can, in other in the matter of counting strokes. the act of addressing, alter its position, Put if one's suspicions are aroused as and thus give himself a good lie. Such to the untrustworthiness of the mema thing as missing the ball altogether ory of your opponent (to put it pois not unknown even with fairly expe- litely), it is impossible to avoid keeping rienced players; and I have known an eye on him and counting his many instances when I have not been strokes; and when your total does not obviously looking, but have only de- tally with his it seems only right to tected out of the corner of my eye that point out the fact. As a matter of my opponent has had a mishap of this fact, the true scoring etiquette of golf kind-that the coup dans l'air bas not enjoins the frequent mutual reference been counted unless I have drawn at by the two players to their several tention to it when on the green. Of scores. Most players ought to be apcourse this miscounting of strokes is proaching the putting green, and conmuch easier when the fortunes of the sequently pretty near together, at game carry the two players on differ- their third stroke; and by that time a ent sides of a hedge or other defence pleasant colloquy of "You've played from observation. I remember on one the odd," or "Shall I play the like?" occasion, having satisfactorily negoti- should be easily practicable, and alated a somewhat high bunker into ways is desirable.

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I. A COMMON CITIZENSHIP FOR THE EN-
GLISH RACE. By A. V. Dicey,

Contemporary Review,
II. PAINTERS BEHIND THE SCENES,

Edinburgh Review,
III. IN KEDAR'S TENTS. By Henry Seton

Merriman, Chaps. XXI. and XXII.,
IV. THE BLUE JAR. By H. Garton Sargent, Blackwood's Magazine,
V. RECOLLECTIONS OF FREDERICK DENI-

SON MAURICE. By Edward Strachey, . Cornhill Magazine,
VI. AMONG THE LIARS. By H. C. Lowther, Nineteenth Century,
VII. ON THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF

LOCAL COLOR. By W. P. James, Macmillan's Magazine, .
VIII. RUSSIA ON THE BOSPHORUS. By Capt.
J. W. Gambier, R. N.,

Fortnightly Review,
IX. HERR RICHTER'S GREAT SPEECH, London Times,

730
738

743

749
751

POETRY.
690 Not In TEMPLES MADE WITH HANDS, 690
690

COLUMBUS AT SEVILLE,
EPITHALAMIUM,

.

SUPPLEMENT.
READINGS FROM AMERICAN

READINGS FROM NEW BOOKS :
MAGAZINES :

THE WARNING OF MONT SAINT
MIDSUMMER BUTTERFLIES,

753

MICHEL. By Isabel Whitely, 765 OVER-CIVILIZATION,

754 A REMINISCENCE,

756

SPITZBERGEN AS A SUMMER RE-
THE FOUNDER OF THE REVUE

SORT. By Sir Martin Conway, 768
DES DEUX MONDES,

757 Tolstor's NEGATIONS. By Prince MR. CHAMBERLAIN IN THE

Serge Wolkonsky,

771
HOUSE OF COMMONS,
759 A GROUP OF SONNETS.

By Ed-
OLD DAYS AT PRINCETON,

760
ward Cracroft Lefroy,

774 MARLBOROUGH HOUSE,

761 “ STRANGERS IN THE HOUSE," 763 BOOKS OF THE MONTH,

776 WHY THE ARBITRATION TREATY WAS REJECTED,

764

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PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY BY

THE LIVING AGE COMPANY, BOSTON.

ers

COLUMBUS AT SEVILLE.

The frigate-bird go whistling-see the

flash At Salamanca then they tested us; Churchmen and schoolmen and cosmogon- Let thy Cross flame upon me in that star,

The light on Guanahani! Salvador! In council. “Hey!" and "What?" "The And from that Cross outstretch her sainted earth a sphere?

hands! And two ways to Cathaia ?" "Tut and AKTAUR THOMAS QUILLER COUCH.

tush!” "Feared the Cathaians then no b’ood in

the head From walking upside down?" "Pray did I know

EPITHALAMIUM. Of a ship 'would sail up-hill?” “Had I Here ends all art, all artificers end: not heard

Come ye, look thro' our little golden Perchance of latitudes when the wheel of

loop; the sun

Here is the best that heaven to earth did Kept the sea boiling? Of the tropic point

send, Where white men turned hop-skip to

Here is the bond of love, and joy, and blackamoors?"

hope; “And hark ye, sir, to what Augustine says the soldier's laurel, poet's bay, down fling, And here is Cosmos' map. "God built the Take up this tiny wreath, the marriage world

ring. As a tabernacle: sky for roof and sides, And earth for flooring. . . . Made all men

The double bow, which heralds sunny to dwell Upon the face of it'—the face, you hear,

weather,

The shining halo of the rising day, Not several faces—'On foundations laid The earth abides' – formations, if you Th’equator smooth, which binds the

world together, please, Not mid-air. Soothly, sir, at your con

The chaplet fair, that sounds the brow

of May, ceits We smile, but warn you that they lie not A diadem by meanest mortals owned,

Who rightly wears thee, sits a king enfar

throned. On this tide heresy. 'Antipodes,' hey? Dur Mother Church annuls the Antip- Let but a slender finger swift pass thro' odes."

thee,

And all delights shall follow in its train. Fools, fools, Diego! Ay, but folly makes

Hold fast by this, and woe may not undo More orphans than malevolence.

There I stood

thee,

That brave ring-armor blunts the edge Rejected, and the good queen looked on

of pain. me, She did not smile. Thank God she did not Genties, but harken to the minstrel's

voice, smile. She did not speak. I saw the mute lips And ye’ shall ne'er repent, but aye rejoice.

C. E. D. PHELPS. Compassionate, and took defeat, went

forth.

move

Further than I have travelled she hath

NOT IN TEMPLES MADE WITH HANDS. fared: But I shall follow. Soon will come the God dwells not only where, o'er saintly call:

dust, And I shall grip the tiller once again,

The sweet bells greet the fairest morn

of seven; The purple night shall heave upon the floor

Wherever simple folk love, pray, and Mile after mile; the dawn invade the stars,

trust, The stars the dawn-how long? And fol

Behold the House of God, the gate of lowing down

heaven! The moon's long ripple I shall bear again

FREDERICK LANGBRIDGE.

A

that London should be ruled by a gov-
From The Contemporary Review.
COMMON CITIZENSHIP FOR THE ernment in Washington. My plan, so
ENGLISH RACE.

far from contemplating the political My aim is to establish the possibility unity of England and America, does not

even involve a permanent alliance, deand advocate the policy of instituting sirable as such an alliance might be, a common citizenship for all English- between the two countries. If common men and Americans. My proposal is summarily this: That England and the citizenship were instituted to-morrow, United States should, by concurrent England and the United States would

in no sense be partners in a war, e.g., and appropriate legislation, create such

between England and Russia, or bea common citizenship, or, to put the

tween America and France. In this matter in a more concrete and therefore

matter much instruction may be dein a more intelligible form, that an act rived from the annals of Germany; for of the Imperial Parliament should

in Germany isopolity preceded in pracmake every citizen of the United States, tice, if not in theory, the development during the continuance of peace between England and America, a British duced more to German well-being, and

of political unity, and nothing has consubject, and that simultaneously an act ultimately to German greatness, than of Congress should make every British

the ease with which the subjects of one subject, during the continuance of such

German State passed into the public peace, a citizen of the United States.

employment of any other. Stein, The coming into force of the one act Scharnhorst, Niebuhr, and Moltke were would be made dependent upon the

none of them Prussians, but they prepassing and coming into force of the

served the existence or extended the inother. Should war at any time break

fluence of Prussia. It is but the other out between the two countries, each act day that Beust passed from the service would ipso facto cease to have effect. This is in substance my proposition. service of Austria. What my proposal

of Saxony to find a greater career in the It is purposely expressed in the broad- does aim at is, in short, not political est and most general terms. Qualifica- unity, but, in strictness, common cittions and limitations, which must of necessity be inserted in any actual act of the net result would be that every

izenship. Were it carried into effect, Parliament, or of Congress, constitut- American citizen would, on landing at ing such common citizenship, or, to em

Liverpool, possess the same civil and ploy a useful but pedantic term, political rights as would, say, an in“isopolity,” are for the sake of clearness habitant of Victoria who landed at the omitted. With provisos and exceptions

same moment from the same boat; and my readers need not for the moment

that an Englishman who stepped for themselves. They should, the first time on American soil would however, note one preliminary observa- possess there all the civil and political tion, the overlooking whereof might rights which would necessarily belong lead to misapprehension of my whole to an American citizen who, having plan.

been born abroad, had for the first time Common citizenship, or isopolity, has entered the United States. no necessary connection whatever with The idea of a common citizenship for national or political unity. My pro- the whole English people is novel. My posal is not designed to limit the com- proposal, therefore, must of necessity plete national independence either of sound startling. My purpose is to England or of the United States. It establish, first, that my plan is pracwould be not only an absurdity, but al- ticable; secondly, that the immediate most an act of lunacy, to devise or de- effects of common citizenship would be fend a scheme for turning England and extremely small, but, as far as they America into one State. It is as impos- went, wholly good; thirdly, that the insible, as, were it possible, it would be direct and moral, and, ultimately, the undesirable, that Washington should be political results of common citizenship ruled by a government in London, or might be great and extremely beneficial;

concern

and, lastly, that the time is opportune tions which will never weigh for much for aiming at, or at any rate contem- with those who eagerly embrace or corplating, the extension of common civil dially acquiesce in the idea of isopolity. and political rights throughout the The plan proposed is then technically whole of the English-speaking people. feasible; its real practicability depends First, the plan is practicable.

on the existence of a widespread feel. My scheme is technically, so to speak, ing in its favor on both sides the Atfeasible. As far as England is con- lantic. Unless a desire for a closer cerned, it could be carried into effect at union exist, any attempt to establish a any moment by an act, and that a short

common citizenship must, on the very act, of Parliament. As far as the face of the matter, be futile, not to say United States are concerned, it might absurd. Throughout this article I asbe carried into effect by an act of Con.

sume that the desire for some sort of gress. There would, for the founda- unity does exist, and my contention is tion of a common citizenship, be no need that, given such a wish, there is no for any revolution even of a legal kind legal difficulty in giving effect to it. If in the Constitution either of England the objection be made, as it possibly or of the United States. No doubt, as already intimated, the may be made with truth, that a strong

wish for common citizenship has not necessary legislation on the part either of the Imperial Parliament or of Con- yet arisen, my reply is simple. Neither

men nor nations desire an end until it gress would involve the consideration of several provisos or limitations, each

has been definitely set before them as of which might raise difficult and de

an object of attainment. One main batable questions. Thus, for example,

reason for propounding my scheme is with a view to the peculiar status of to create or stimulate the desire for American Indians, who are inhabitants, common citizenship. Thus much is but are not citizens, of the United certain: if the desire exist there is no States, care would have to be taken that legal difficulty in giving it satisfaction. the enactment of common citizenship

Secondly: The immediate and practidid not confer on Canadian Indians, cal effects of common citizenship would who are British subjects, greater rights,

be small. when passing into the United States,

My proposal sounds revolutionary, than are possessed there by American but in truth the most plausible objecIndians. It would, again, need to be tion to it is that its results would be considered how far, if at all, the exten- practically insignificant. As things sion of civil and political rights should now stand a foreigner when in England involve the extension of criminal lia- loses but little in point of civil rights, bility. But these and other matters of from the fact that he is not a British detail, however important in them- subject. Aliens, it is true, were at one selves, do not, for our present purpose, time excluded as such from a certain require careful consideration; they con- number of civil rights; they could not, stitute just the kind of objections for example, inherit land, but, at any which naturally enough are taken hold rate, since 1870 an alien belonging to a of and exaggerated by opponents who country such as France, which is at deprecate the very attempt to unite peace with Great Britain, has posmore closely the two branches of the sessed, certainly in the United King. English people. But they are objec- dom, and probably in every part of the

British Empire, if not all yet nearly ali, Or by such other legislation, if any, as the Con- the civil rights of a British subject. stitution of the United States may require. An He can own land in England, he can act of Congress would, however, apparently be

trade in England, he enjoys in England sufficient. (Seo “Constitution of the United States," art. i. 8. 8, clause 3, and “Kent, Comm.'.

much personal liberty and ii., pp. 64-66.) But a treaty which should provide much freedom of speech or of writing for the passing of the necessary acts would prac. as an ordinary Englishman. There is tically be a necessity.

no power on the part of the govern

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