adherents of the antient faith; while in France, a Protest- | ant meant not merely one who shook off the papal authority, but who denounced the pope as antichrist, and the ceremonies of the Romish church as the worship of Belial. In their tenets and political condition the Huguenots closely resembled the English puritans of the seventeenth century. Like them, discountenanced, and at length persecuted, by the Court, the French Huguenots became a distinct people in their native country, abhorring and abhorred by their Catholic fellow-subjects; united to each other by the closest ties of religion and a common temporal interest, and submitting solely and implicitly, in peace and in war, to the guidance of their own leaders. The wars between these irreconcileable parties were, as might be expected, frequent and bloody.

absent from court, Charles maintained a correspondence with him by letters; and in their private conversation he at least affected to unbosom himself without reserve to his new friend; cautioned him against his mother and her Italian favourites, spoke disparagingly of his brother Anjou, and in giving the character of his marshals, freely described their faults and censured their vices. Coligny was completely won by this frank demeanour of the young king, and employed his influence to induce the other Huguenot chiefs to repair to court. Though repeatedly warned of his danger his confidence was unshaken. Rather,' said he, than renew the horrors of civil war, I would be dragged a corpse through the streets of Paris.'

The marriage of Henry of Navarre with Margaret, the king's sister, was celebrated with great pomp on Monday the 18th of August, 1572. Most of the protestant nobility and gentry, with the admiral at their head, attended on the occasion; and as their prejudices would not let them enter a church where mass was celebrated, the ceremony was performed in a temporary building near the cathedral of Nôtre Dame. The Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday were passed in all sorts of festivities. On Friday the 22nd, Coligny attended a council at the Louvre, and went afterwards with the king to the tennis-court, where Charles and the Duke of Guise played a game against two Huguenot gentlemen. As he walked slowly home, reading a paper, an arquebuss was discharged at him from the upper window of a house occupied by a dependant of the Duke of Guise. One ball shattered his hand, another lodged in his right arm. The king was still playing at tennis with the Duke of Guise when the news of this attack reached him. He threw down his racket-exclaiming Shall I never have peace? and retired apparently dejected to his apartment. He joined the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé in their lamentations, and promised, with threats of vengeance, to punish the guilty.

In August, 1570, a treaty of peace was concluded between the French king, Charles IX., and his Huguenot subjects. This was the third contract of the kind that had been entered into between these parties within eight years. The two first were shamefully violated as it suited the purpose of the stronger party. It was natural therefore that the Protestant leaders should feel very distrustful as to the motives of the Court with regard to the new act of pacification; and this distrust was far from being lessened by the circumstance that the overtures to peace proceeded from the Court, and that the terms of the treaty were unusually favourable to the Huguenots. The veteran Coligny [see COLIGNY], Admiral of France, however, lent all the influence of his authority, as the leader of the Huguenots, towards promoting the avowed object of the treaty. He was earnestly pressed to court; but suspicious of the queen-mother, the celebrated Catherine de' Medici, and of the party of the Duke of Guise, he refused the invitation, and retired to the strong Huguenot fortress of Rochelle. He was accompanied by the young Prince of Navarre (afterwards Henry IV.), Condé, and other chiefs of the Protestant party. This distrust, however, of the admiral, was entirely effaced before the end of The admiral's wounds were declared on the 23rd not the second year from the date of the treaty. Charles IX. was to be dangerous. He expressed a wish to see the king. but twenty years of age when he ostentatiously sought to Charles visited the wounded man, accompanied by his mother be reconciled with his Huguenot subjects. The peace was and a train of courtiers. Coligny requested to speak with emphatically called his own peace, and he boasted that he the king alone, and Charles commanded his mother and brohad made it in opposition to his mother and other counsel- ther to remain at a distance. Catherine afterwards acknowlors, saying, he was tired of civil dissensions, and convinced, ledged that these were the most painful moments she ever from experience, of the impossibility of reducing all his sub- experienced. Her consciousness of guilt, the interest with jects to the same religion. His extreme youth-his im- which Charles listened to the admiral, the crowds of armed petuous and open temper-and, if we may believe Walsing-men in constant motion through the house, their looks and ham, who was the English ambassador at Paris at the time, whispers and gestures, all conspired to fill her with terror. the unsettled state of his religious opinions, inclining to Unable to remain any longer in such a situation, she interthose of the new religion,-naturally operated in removing rupted the conference, by pretending that silence and rethe distrust of Coligny. Contrary to what had happened pose were necessary for the recovery of the admiral. During after former treaties, pains were taken to observe the articles her return in the same carriage with the king, she emof pacification, and to punish those who infringed them. ployed every artifice to draw from him the particulars of the Charles spoke of the admiral in terms of praise and ad- conversation. He disclosed sufficient to add to her alarm.' miration: the complaints of the Huguenots were listened to This passage, which we have extracted from Lingard's hiswith attention, and their reasonable requests granted; and tory, is confirmed in the main by the narrative of the St. their friends were in favour, while their enemies were in ap- Bartholomew, attributed to the Duke of Anjou, afterwards parent disgrace at court. Early in 1571 Charles offered his Henry III., who had a large share in its design and exesister in marriage to the Prince of Navarre, the acknowledged cution. He tells us that as the admiral began to speak head of the Huguenot party; and though the pope refused earnestly, Catherine came up and drew the king away, but to grant a dispensation for the marriage, and the Spanish not till she had heard the admiral advise him not to let his Court and the Guises strongly opposed it, he persisted in mother and brother have so much of his authority. bringing it about, threatening the papal nuncio that he would have the ceremony performed without a dispensation, if the pope continued obstinate in withholding it. He enlisted the personal ambition of the admiral on his side, by offering to send an army, under his command, into Flanders, to co-operate with the Prince of Orange against the King of Spain.

Charles again, in the summer of 1571, earnestly solicited the admiral to repair to court. The letter of invitation, written with his own hand, was entrusted to Teligny, the admiral's son-in-law. It was backed by warm solicitations from Montmorency, the admiral's near relation, and the Marshal de Cosse, his intimate friend. Coligny's apprehensions at length gave way, and in September of the same year he repaired to Blois, where Charles held his court. His reception was apparently the most cordial and respectful: he was restored to all his honours and dignities, and loaded with presents. The king called him Father,' and in a tone of affection added, We have you at last, and you shall not escape us.'

This apparent favour of the king towards the admiral continued without interruption for many months. When

On the first news of the admiral's wound the Huguenots repaired in crowds to his residence, and offered their services, with menacing language against the Guises-the suspected assassins. A royal guard was placed to protect the house of Coligny from popular violence; and under a similar pretext of regard for his safety, the Catholics were ordered to evacuate and the Protestants to occupy the quarter in which he resided.

The attempt at assassination was not the work of the Guises: it was planned by the Duke of Anjou, the Duchess of Nemours, and the queen-mother. The father of the Duke of Guise, and first husband of the Duchess of Nemours, was assassinated by a Huguenot fanatic, who alleged that he committed the crime under the sanction of the admiral; and since that event Coligny always felt that his life was in danger from one who, whether justly or unjustly, regarded him as the murderer of his father. The attempt at assassination having failed, the conspirators met on the morning of Saturday the 23rd, in secret conference. Baffled revenge and the dread of vindictive retaliation augmented the ferocity of their counsels. On Saturday after dinner, the hour for which at that time was noon, the queen-mother was seen

to enter the king's chamber: Anjou and some lords of the Catholic party joined her there soon afterwards. According to Charles's account of this meeting, as reported by his sister Margaret, he was then suddenly informed of a treasonable conspiracy on the part of the Huguenots against himself and family; was told that the admiral and his friends were at that moment plotting his destruction, and that if he did not promptly anticipate the designs of his enemies, and if he waited till next morning, he and his family might be sacrificed. Under this impression, he states, he gave a reluctant hurried consent to the proposition of his counsellors, exclaiming, as he left the room, that he hoped not a single Huguenot would be left alive to reproach him with the deed. The plan of the massacre had been previously arranged, and its execution intrusted to the Dukes of Guise, Anjou, and Aumale, Montpensier, and Marshal Tavannes. It wanted two hours of the appointed time: all was still at the Louvre. A short time before the signal was given, Charles, his mother, and Anjou repaired to an open balcony, and awaited the result in breathless silence. This awful suspense was broken by the report of a pistol. Charles shook with horror-his frame trembled, his resolution failed him, and cold drops stood upon his brow. But the die was cast-the bell of a neighbouring church tolled-and the work of slaughter commenced.

concerning the truth of which there is no controversy.
They are admitted and appealed to by historians who take
the most opposite views of the motives which led to them.
And this brings us to the second part of the subject.
§ 2. Two questions have arisen out of a consideration of the
facts which we have just narrated:-1. Was the massacre
the result of a premeditated plot, concealed with infinite
cunning for months, according to some, years, that is, since
the meeting at Bayonne in 1564; or was it the sudden con-
sequence of the failure of the attack upon the life of the
admiral two days before its occurrence?-2. Admitting it to
have been premeditated, was Charles privy to the plot, and
consequently, was the peace of 1570, the marriage of his
sister, and his friendly demeanour towards the admiral and
the Huguenot chiefs, one piece of the most profound trea-
chery and dissimulation? Volumes have been written in
reference to these questions; our limits confine us to a
statement of their results.

This was at two o'clock in the morning. Before five o'clock the admiral and his friends were murdered in cold blood, and their remains treated with brutal indignity. Revenge and hatred being thus satiated on the Huguenot chiefs, the toscin was sounded from the parliament house, calling on the populace of Paris to join in the carnage, and protect their religion and their king against Huguenot treason. It is not necessary to enter into the details of this most perfidious butchery. Death to the Huguenots treason-courage-our game is in the toils-Kill every man of them-it is the king's orders, shouted the court leaders, as they galloped through the streets, cheering the armed citizens to the slaughter. Kill! kill!--bleeding is as wholesome in August as in May, shouted the Mar-stroying the incorrigible ringleader of the heretical faction; shal Tavannes, another of the planners of the massacre. The fury of the court was thus seconded by the long pentup hatred of the Parisian populace; and the Huguenots were butchered in their beds, or endeavouring to escape, without any regard to age, sex, or condition. Nor was the slaughter wholly confined to the Protestants. Secret revenge and personal hatred embraced that favourable opportunity of gratification, and many Catholics fell by the hand of Catholic assassins.

Towards evening the excesses of the populace became so alarming that the king, by sound of trumpet, commanded every man to return to his house, under penalty of death, excepting the officers of the guards and the civic authorities; and on the second day he issued another proclamation, declaring, under pain of death, that no person should kill or pillage another, unless duly authorised. Indeed it would seem that the massacre was more extensive and indiscriminate than its projectors had anticipated; and that it was necessary to check the disorderly fury of the populace. The slaughter, however, partially continued for three days. On the evening of the first day, Charles despatched letters to his ambassadors in foreign courts, and to all his governors and chief officers in France, bewailing the massacre that had taken place, but imputing it entirely to the private dissension between the houses of Guise and Coligny."

On the following day, the 25th, he wrote to Schomberg, his agent with the Protestant princes of Germany, that having been apprised by some of the Huguenots themselves of a conspiracy formed by the admiral and his friends to murder him, his mother, and brothers, he had been forced to sanction the counter attacks of the house of Guise, in consequence of which, the admiral, and some gentlemen of his party, had been slain; since which, the populace, exasperated by the report of the conspiracy, and indignant at the restraint imposed upon the royal family, had been guilty of violent excesses, and, to his great regret, had killed all the chiefs of the Huguenots who were at Paris.

Next day, however, Charles went in state to the parliar ment of Paris, and avowed himself the author of the massacre, claiming to himself the merit of having thereby given peace to his kingdom; he denounced the admiral and his adherents as traitors, and declared that he had timely defeated a conspiracy to murder the royal family.

These are the leading facts of the Bartholomew Massacre,

We shall dispose of the first question rather summarily. The conferences at Bayonne between Catherine de' Medici and the Duke of Alva were secret: if ever reduced to writing, no direct proof of the decisions in which they terminated has come down to us. There is, however, strong substantial evidence to show that they related to the most effectual means of subduing the Protestants in France and Flanders. Mutual succour was stipulated and afforded. Adriano, a contemporary historian of credit, and who is supposed to have derived the materials of his history from the journal of Cosmo, Duke of Tuscany, who died in 1574, states that Alva declared for an immediate extermination, and treated the proposition of France (to allure the Huguenot lords and princes back to the bosom of the antient church) as faint-hearted, and treason to the cause of God. Catherine represented that such an extirpation as Alva contemplated was beyond the ability of the royal power in France. They agreed as to the end, but differed as to the best means of accomplishing it; and the conference terminated with the parties merely agreeing as to the general principle of deeach sovereign being at liberty to select the opportunity and modes of execution which best suited the circumstances of his own dominions. This statement is adopted by the judicious De Thou. Strada, the historian of Alva's government in Flanders, who wrote from the papers of the House of Parma, says, in reference to the hypothesis, that the Bartholomew was planned at Bayonne, that he cannot from his own knowledge either affirm or deny the accusation; but inclines to the belief that it is true (potius inclinat animus ut credam). It was on this occasion that Alva made use of the celebrated expression mentioned by Davila and Mathieu, and which Henry IV., then Prince of Bearn, and a stripling, who was present at the interview, told to Calignor, Chancellor of Navarre, that he would rather catch the large fish and let the small fry alone; one salmon,' said he, is worth a hundred frogs.- Une tête de saumon valoit mieux que celles de cent grenouilles.' The subsequent conduct of Alva and the queen-mother, coupled with this indirect testimony, enable us to answer the first question thus far in the affirmative: that there existed, as far back as the conference at Bayonne, a general determination on the part of the courts of Spain and France to subdue, if not extirpate Protestantism; but no concerted plot, or settled plan of operations.

The evidence is much more conflicting with regard to the sincerity of Charles in the affair of the peace of 1570, and the events that followed it, with regard to his share in devising the Bartholomew. Against the supposition of his having been perhaps the most profound dissembler that the world has ever seen, there is, in the first place, a strong objection derived from his extreme youth, and his fickle, restless, vehement, and childishly ungovernable character. He was only twenty-four when he died, and though nominally a king from the tenth year of his age, the government was so completely in the hands of his mother, and such was the ascendency of that remarkable and wicked woman over his mind, that it is hardly possible to speak with certainty as to his genuine disposition, or to affirm on what occasions he was a mere puppet, and when a free agent. His vacillation of purpose has been remarked by those who have stigmatised him as a master of the arts of simulation; while the cruelty of his sports, and the feropassion, have been justly referred to as an argument to cious violence of his temper when under the influence of

The materials of this article are chiefly derived from Davila's History of the Civil Wars, De Thou's History, Sully's Memoirs, Memoirs of Margaret of Valois, and the despatches of Sir Francis Walsingham contained in Digges's Complete Ambassador. The writer has also careIt was on this occasion, according to De Thou, Sully, and fully perused and made use of the controversial papers to other authorities, that Charles is said to have exultingly which Dr. Lingard's version of the Bartholomew massacre asked his mother—- Have I not played my part well?in his History of England has given birth-namely, the 'Yes,' said she; but to commence is nothing, unless you article on that version in the 88th Number of the Edinburgh go through. Leave it to me,' he replied, with an oath. Review, from the pen of Mr. Allen, Lingard's Vindication I will net them for you, every one.' Others postpone and Allen's Reply-in which all the authorities and arguthe vaunting of his dissimulation till after the massacre; ments on both sides are put forth with great profusion and and a MS. in the Bibliotheque du Roi, quoted by Mr. ability. He has also consulted Mezeray, Mathieu, and Père Allen, adds, That he complained of the hardship Daniel's Histories of France, and Chateaubriand's extracts of being obliged to dissimulate so long.' There is one from the despatches of Salviati, the papal nuncio at Paris other trait of perfidy, among many told of him, which we at the time of the massacre, published in the Appendix to shall quote, and leave to speak for itself. the third volume of the History of England in Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopædia. He is also indebted to Mr. Turner's dissertation on the Bartholomew, contained in the 2nd volume of his Modern History of England.

reign of Edward VI. the charges of the hospital for one year amounted to 8557.: the number of persons relieved by the hospital at that time is not known; but it appears that about 900 persons were assisted by it in the five years following the renewal of the foundation. About 1660 the hospital relieved annually 300 diseased persons, at an expense of 2000. In 1729 the expense was 10,4257., and the patients 5028. At present the annual number of patients varies between 10,000 and 12,000, of whom about three-fifths are out-patients. The number who can be at one time accommodated within the walls of the hospital and adjacent buildings is nearly 550. Persons injured by accidents or labouring under acute disease are admitted without delay: those who labour under any disease can gain admission by a petition signed by one of the governors.

The government of the hospital is vested in a president, treasurer, &c. The treasurer has a house within the hospital. Connected with the establishment there are three physicians and an assistant physician and as many master and assistant-surgeons, an apothecary, besides dressers and subordinate officers there is also an hospitaller or vicar of St. Bartholomew the Less. St. Bartholomew's Hospital escaped the great fire of 1666; but the buildings having become ruinous by age, it became necessary, in 1729, to take down the greater part of them. Subscriptions were raised for the purpose, and in the following year this work was commenced, but it was not completed until 1770. It was so managed that during the progress of the work sufficient accommodation was at all times reserved for the usual number of patients. The structure, which was planned and partly executed by Gibbs, now consists of four piles of building, surrounding a court, and joined together by stone gateways. The buildings on three sides of the quadrangle contain the wards for the accommodation of the patients; the other side contains a large hall, a counting-house, and other offices. To the south wing of the hospital a neat stone building has been recently erected for the sole use of the medical establishment. In the theatre, periodical courses of lectures are delivered by distinguished practitioners to the various students who attend the hospital in order to obtain a practical knowledge of the profession. The principal gate of the hospital is in Smithfield, and is of earlier date than the rest of the buildings, having been erected in 1702. It consists of a rustic basement in which there is a large archway. A statue of Henry VIII. is placed on a pedestal in a niche over the key-stone, guarded on each side by two Corinthian pillars; above these pillars there is on each side an interrupted semi-circular pediment, on the segments of which recline two emblematic human figures, designed to represent Lameness and Disease. The whole gateway, which has very lately undergone a thorough renovation, is surmounted by a triangular pediment, the tympanum of which contains the royal arms. The grand staircase of the hospital was painted gratuitously by Hogarth the subjects are the Good Samaritan; the Pool of Bethesda; Rahere laying the foundation; and a sick man carried on a litter, attended by monks. (Strype's Stow's Survey of London; Maitland's History of London; Malcolm's Londinium Redivivum; Highmore's Public Charities of London.)

BARTHOLOMEW, ST., one of the Antilles, in 17° 53' N. lat., and 62° 54′ W. long., having the islands of St. Martin on the north, and St. Christopher's on the south; its distance from the former of these islands is 12 miles, and from the latter 28 miles.

St. Bartholomew is of an irregular shape. Its greatest length is from east to west, and its area is about sixty square miles. The shores are rocky and dangerous, and should not be approached without the assistance of an experienced pilot. It contains only one port, Le Carénage, which, however, is very safe and commodious; it is on the west side of the island, and near to this harbour is the town Gustavia, which is inhabited by a very mixed population of Swedes, English, French, Danes, and Americans. There are no springs on the island, and the sole dependence of the inhabitants for water is upon the rain; they have, in some dry seasons, been compelled to import water from the neighbouring islands.

The soil is good, and produces sugar, cotton, tobacco, mandioc, and indigo. Some limestone of peculiar quality is quarried and sent to different islands in the West Indies, where it is used for building purposes. There is abundance of wood in the island, including lignum-vitæ and iron-wood.

St. Bartholomew was first settled in 1648 by a colony of Frenchmen, who went for that purpose from St. Chris topher's. In 1689 it was taken by the English under Admiral Thornhill, and remained in their possession until the peace of 1697, when it was restored to France. In 1746 it was again taken by the English, and was once more given up under the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. the island was ceded by France to Sweden, and it has since continued subject to that power. The population of the island is about 8000; two-thirds of that number are negro slaves belonging to the planters, the greater part of whom are Frenchmen.

In 1785

(Thompson's Alcedo; Purdy's Columbian Navigator; Malham's Naval Gazetteer.)

BARTIN, or BARTAN, river. [See PARTHE'NIUS.] BARTOLI, DANIELE, was born at Ferrara, in 1608. At the age of fifteen he entered the Order of the Jesuits. After passing through his preliminary studies, and making his vows, he was very desirous to go to India, to join the missionaries of his order, who were then engaged in spreading Christianity through the East; but his superiors, judging that he would be more useful at home, employed him as a preacher in various parts of Italy. As he was proceeding to Palermo, to preach there during the Lent of 1646, he was shipwrecked on the island of Capri, and afterwards continued his voyage in another vessel. Although he had lost the MS. of his sermons, he contrived, by means of a few fragments which he had preserved, and with the assistance of a good memory, to go through his Quaresimale of about forty sermons, to the satisfaction of the audience. In 1650 he was sent for to Rome by the Father-General, and commissioned to write the history of the Order in the Italian language. He divided his subject by treating successively of the different parts of the world in which the Order had established itself. He began with Asia, Istoria della Compagnia di Gesù, Asia, parte prima, fol., Roma, 1653. In this volume he treats of the first missionaries sent by the Jesuits to the East, beginning with Francisco Xavier, who was styled the Apostle of the Indies, He describes the first success of the missions on the Malabar and Coromandel coasts, at Malacca, &c. The work may serve as a supplement to Barros's Asia Portegueza, Bartoli published next, Il Giappone, seconda parte dell Asia, fol., Roma, 1660;-perhaps the most interesting of his works. The rapid diffusion of Christianity in Japan, and its subsequent total eradication by fire and sword, are remarkable historical events. Bartoli's narrative embraces the whole history of Christianity in Japan, from the landing of its first preacher, Xavier, in 1549, till its complete extinction, in 1637, when Japan was closed against all Europeans, with the exception of the Dutch, who were, and are still, allowed to trade at the harbour of Nangasaki, The book contains many interesting particulars; the writer is honest and conscientious, though he may in some instances appear credulous on the subject of supernatural agency; he drew his facts from original and recent documents, and with great good sense shows the faults which the Christians committed, and which contributed to their ruin. He gives a very good sketch of the character and habits of the Japanese.

Bartoli's next publication was La Cina, terza parte dell' Asia, fol., Roma, 1663. This work, which embraces also the missions to Cochin China and Tonkin, concludes Bartoli's account of Asia-an account replete with interest, for these may be looked upon as the heroic times of the Order of Jesuits. He next published L'Italia, prima parte dell' Europa, fol., Roma, 1673;-and Dell' Inghilterra, parte dell' Europa, fol., Roma, 1667. This is a history of the English Catholics, principally under Elizabeth and James I.: the author passes rapidly over the reign of Mary, who, he says, off the mortified limbs of the nation, for fear they should 'was obliged to use the sword, in order to cut infect the rest.' deliberate investigation of facts, Bartoli shows as much fairBut in the body of his work, and in the ness as could be expected from a man of his order, and of the times in which he wrote. Bartoli wrote also the life of Ignatius de Loyola, the founder of the Jesuits, Vita e Istituto di S. Ignazio, fol., Roma, 1689. There is, however, another and older life of Ignatius, by Father Ribadeneira, a countryman and contemporary of Loyola. Bartoli wrote likewise the lives of the Generals Caraffa and Borgia, and other distinguished members of his order.

Bartoli's works contain a vast quantity of materials for

Bartoli wrote treatises on several physical phenomena-on sound and hearing, Del Suono, de Tremori armonici, e dell'Udito, 4to, Rome, 1679; on ice, Del Ghiaccio, e della Coagulazione, 4to., Rome, 1681; on the depression and expansion of quicksilver in tubes, La Tensione e la Pressione disputanti qual di loro sostenga l'Argento Vivo ne' Cannelli dopo fattone il vuoto, 12mo., Venezia, 1679.

the history of the first century of the Society of Jesuits. I extremities of his figures, were much admired by Sir He wrote also several books of morality: La Ricreazione Joshua Reynolds, and recommended by him to the imitadel Savio; Milano, 1660; being considerations on the won- tion of the students of the English school, which at that ders of nature, from which he derives moral and religious time was extremely deficient in those points. Bartolozzi arguments for the conduct of a wise man. Della Geografia engraved a prodigious number of the paintings and drawtrasportata al Morale; Roma, 1664; a work on the same ings of Cipriani, who had likewise settled in England: the principle as the preceding, in which the author indulges styles of the painter and engraver harmonize admirably; very freely in allegory and other figures, according to the grace, elegance, and suavity, are the characteristics of each, taste of the Italian writers of the seventeenth century, which and their works for a considerable time held almost unrifault, however, he has avoided in his historical works. valled possession of the public favour. The prevailing L'Uomo di Lettere difeso ed emendato, in which he en- fault in the plates from Cipriani is a certain ultra-refinement, courages studious men who labour under poverty and an excess of softness and finishing incompatible with vigorous neglect; shows the advantages of learning over ignorance, style; but this objection must lie chiefly against the painter. condemns plagiarism, and gives much excellent advice to Bartolozzi showed that when engaged on the works of more men of letters-on their conduct, their pursuits, and their efficient masters he could transmit them to the copper with style. This work has been translated into English, by adequate force and effect. Examples of this will be seen Thomas Salisbury, 8vo., London, 1668. It also went in the print of Clytie above-mentioned, and in those of through many editions in Italian. Prometheus devoured by the vulture, after Michael Angelo; the Adultress before Christ, after Agostino Carracci; Rebecca hiding the idols of her father, after Pietro da Cortona; St. Luke painting the portrait of the Virgin, after Cantarini; King John ratifying Magna Charta, after Mortimer; Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, after West; the Death of Lord Chatham, after Copley. Various other examples might be adduced. One of Bartolozzi's earliest patrons was Alderman Boydell, for whose Shakspeare Gallery he engraved a number of fine plates. Among his minor works, his etchings in imitation of the great masters, and of the Marlborough gems, are proofs of his versatile and exquisite taste. In the year 1802 Bartolozzi received an invitation from the Prince Regent of Portugal to settle at Lisbon, as superintendent of a school of engravers, with a salary of 100l. per annum, to which was annexed a handsome residence and the profits of the engravings. It is asserted, but on no very specific authority, that an offer of 4007. per annum was made him as an inducement to him to remain in England, but that he refused the proposal, except on condition that government would explain the affair to the Prince Regent of Portugal. This interference was considered improper, and Bartolozzi left England in his 75th year, and was received at Lisbon with all the respect due to his distinguished talents. He died in that capital in his 88th year.

Bartoli also wrote several works on the Italian language: Il Torto e il Diritto del non si, può, 12mo., Roma, 1655, a work much esteemed; and Dell' Ortografia Italiana, ibid. 1670. He contributed also to Mambelli's work called Cinonio, Osservazioni sulla Lingua Italiana, one of the best works on Italian grammar. An edition of Bartoli's minor works, including some of his sermons, was published at Venice, 3 vols. 4to., 1716-7. His great historical work on Asia, Japan, and China, after having become very scarce, and having fallen into unmerited oblivion, has been of late years strongly praised and recommended by Italian philologists, as one of the best specimens of Italian prose. In consequence of this, a new edition of Bartoli's works has been lately brought out in Italy.

Bartoli was appointed Rector of the Gregorian or Roman College, in 1671. He died at Rome, in January, 1685, aged seventy-seven years. (Mazzuchelli, Scrittori d'Italia, and Bartoli's works above quoted.)

BARTOLOZZI, FRANCESCO. This distinguished engraver was born in Florence in 1730, though some accounts give the date earlier. He received his first instructions in drawing under Gaetano Biagio and Ignazio Hugford, in the Florentine academy. Here his acquaintance commenced with Giovanni Cipriani, with whom his name became afterwards intimately associated by their joint productions in art. Bartolozzi commenced engraving under Joseph Wagner, of Venice, and when the term of his engagement with that master had expired, he married a Venetian lady, and went to Rome, whither he had been invited by Cardinal Bottari. Here he established his reputation by his fine plates from the life of St. Nilus, and by a series of portraits for a new edition of Vasari. Having completed these works he returned to Venice, where he was engaged by Mr. Dalton, librarian to George III., to engrave a set of drawings by Guercino, which having accomplished, that gentleman invited him to England to continue engraving for him on a stipend of 300l. per annum: this offer Bartolozzi accepted, and the series of plates from Guercino were completed in this country. Some of the earliest performances by which Bartolozzi distinguished himself in England were designs for tickets for the select performances at the Opera House; and he evinced so much talent in these limited subjects, and obtained such popularity, as to excite the jealousy of the celebrated engraver Strange, who pronounced him incapable of executing anything else. This illiberal remark brought on its own refutation. Bartolozzi immediately commenced his engraving of Clytie, after Annibale Carracci, and that of the Virgin and Child, after Carlo Dolce. These plates are well-known; they are in the highest degree brilliant and spirited, and would alone have been sufficient to establish the name of Bartolozzi as an engraver of the very highest order. A style of dotted engraving printed in red ink was introduced about this time, a bad and meretricious practice, the success of which was in great measure attributed to the example of Bartolozzi; but this slight deviation from sound taste was amply atoned for by the correctness and beauty of his general style. His correct drawing, and especially the accurate finishing of the

Few engravers have attained a higher reputation than Bartolozzi, and he had the good fortune to be fully appreciated during his lifetime. Considering the immense number of his works, and their great and immediate popularity, it seems extraordinary that he should have failed in acquiring independence; but his failure, however, was so complete, that it is said that he was compelled to accept his Portuguese appointment in great measure by his pecuniary circumstances. His private character was in the highest degree amiable, and it may be mentioned, among many other instances of his kind and generous disposition, that he finished gratuitously a plate which had been commenced by Ryland, having been requested to do so by that unhappy man when under sentence of death for forgery. Several of Bartolozzi's pupils rose to eminence; among them, Cheesman, Sherwin, Tomkins, and the two Vendramini. (Arnold's Annals of the Arts.)

BARTON, BENJAMIN SMITH, was born in the year 1766 at Lancaster, in Pennsylvania. His father was a respectable episcopal clergyman, who divided his time between the duties of his sacred office and the pursuit of natural history, especially of mineralogy; but he unfortunately died when the subject of this notice was only fourteen years old, leaving his children so ill-provided for, that the early part of his son Benjamin's life was an incessant struggle with want and poverty. His mind, however, was too elastic, and his resolution to surmount the difficulties and the enemies who it is said surrounded him too fixed, either to be crushed by the privations of indigence, or to be discouraged by the oppression of those who ought to have been the orphan's friend. It is probable that the unfortunate position in which he thus found himself, joined with a temper naturally irritable and even choleric,' brought on the serious bodily afflictions with which he was visited during all the remainder of his life. After gaining the essential parts of a learned education under Dr. Andrews of Philadelphia, Mr. Barton prosecuted his medical studies in the university of that city, where he distinguished himself so much by his acquirements in science as to secure the friendship of his uncle, Dr. Rittenhouse, who proved

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