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(in verse), 1843, sm. 8vo; King Henry II.:
An Historical Drama, 1843, sm. 8vo, 2d edit.,
1845, fp. 8vo; The Claims of Labour, 1844;
Friends in Council: A Series of Readings
and Discourses thereon, 1847, cr. 8vo, Sec-
ond Series, 1849, 6th edit., 1854, 2 vols. fp.
8vo; Companions of my Solitude, 1851,
12mo, 4th edit., 1854, fp. 8vo; The Conquer-ness
ors of the New World and their Bondsmen,
1848-52, 2 vols. 8vo; History of the Span-
ish Conquest of America, and its Relations
to the History of Slavery and to the Gov-
ernment of Colonies, 1855-57, 3 vols. 8vo;
Oulita, the Serf, 1858; Realmah, a Tale,
1869; Life of Columbus, 1869; Casimir
Maremma, 1870; Brevia: Short Essays and
Aphorisms, 1870; Conversations on War
and General Culture, 1871; Thoughts upon
Government, 1871; Social Pressure, 1874.
"A true thinker, who has practical purpose in
his thinking, and is sincere, as Plato, or Carlyle,
or Helps, becomes in some sort a seer, and must be
always of infinite use in his generation."-RUSKIN:
Mod. Painters, 13 : 268, Lond., 1856.

"There are things which I hope are said more
clearly than before, owing to the influence of the
beautiful quiet English of Helps."-RUSKIN. See
also Ruskin's Stones of Venice; Blackw. Mag., Oct.
1851;
Fraser's Mag., Sept. 1857; Westm. Rev., 43;
Dubl. Univ. Mag., 25: 45-57; Eclec. Rev., 4th
Ser., 30: 284.

66

DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN.

Vasco Nunez resolved, therefore, to be the discoverer of that sea, and of those rich lands to which Comogre's son had pointed, when, after rebuking the Spaniards for their brabbling" [quarrelling] about the division of the gold, he turned his face towards the south. In the peril which so closely impended over Vasco Nunez, there was no use in waiting for reinforcements from Spain: when those reinforcements should come, his dismissal would come too. Accordingly, early in September, 1513, he set out on his renowned expedition for finding "the other sea," accompanied by a hundred and ninety men well armed, and by dogs, which were of more avail than men, and by Indian slaves to carry the burthens.

Following Poncha's guide, Vasco Nunez and his men commenced the ascent of the mountains, until he entered the country of an Indian chief called Quarequa, whom they found fully prepared to resist them. The brave Indian advanced at the head of his troops, intending to make a vigorous attack; but they could not withstand the discharge of the fire-arms. Indeed, they believed the Spaniards to have thunder and lightning in their hands, not an unreasonable fancy,-and, flying in the utmost terror from the place of battle, a total rout ensued. The

rout was a bloody one, and is described by an author who gained his information from those who were present at it, as a scene to remind one of the shambles. The king and his principal men were slain to the number of six hundred. Speaking of these people, Peter Martyr makes mention of the sweetof their language, saying that all the words in it might be written in Latin letters, as was also to be remarked in that of the inhabitants of Hispaniola. This writer also mentions, and there is reason for thinking he was correctly informed, that there was a region, not two days' journey from Quarequa's territory, in which Vasco Nunez found a race of black men, who were conjectured to have come from Africa, and to have been shipwrecked on this coast. Leaving several of his men who were ill, or overweary, in Quarequa's chief town, and taking with him guides from this country, the Spanish commander pursued his way up the most lofty sierras there, until, on the 25th of September, 1513, he came near to the top of a mountain, from whence the South Sea was visible. The distance from Poncha's

chief town to this point was forty leagues, reckoned then six days' journey, but Vasco Nunez and his men took twenty-five days to accomplish it, as they suffered much from the roughness of the ways and from the want of provisions.

A little before Vasco Nunez reached the height, Quarequa's Indians informed him of his near approach to the sea. It was a sight in beholding which for the first time any man would wish to be alone. Vasco Nunez bade his men sit down while he ascended, and then, in solitude, looked down upon the vast Pacific,-the first man of the Old World, so far as we know, who had done so. Falling on his knees, he gave thanks to God for the favour shown to him in his being permitted to discover the sea of the South. Then with his hand he beckoned to his men to come up. When they had come, both he and they knelt down, and poured forth their thanks to God. He then addressed them in these words: "You see here, gentlemen and children mine, how our desires are being accomplished, and the end of our labours. Of that we ought to be certain; for, as it has turned out true, what King Comogre's son told of this sea to us, who never thought to see it, so I hold for certain that what he told us of there being incomparable treasures in it will be fulfilled. God and his blessed mother, who have assisted us, so that we should arrive here and behold this sea, will favour us, that we may enjoy all that there is in it."

Afterwards, they all devoutly sang the "Te Deum Laudamus;" and a list was

drawn up by a notary of those who were present at this discovery, which was made upon St. Martin's day.

Every great and original action has a prospective greatness-not alone from the thought of the man who achieves it, but from the various aspects and high thoughts which the same action will continue to present and call up in the minds of others to the end, it may be, of all time. And so a remarkable event may go on acquiring more and more significance. In this case, our knowledge that the Pacific, which Vasco Nunez then beheld, occupies more than onehalf of the earth's surface, is an element of thought which in our minds lightens up and gives an awe to this first gaze of his upon those mighty waters. To him the scene might not at that moment have suggested much more than it would have done to a mere conqueror; indeed Peter Martyr likens Vasco Nunez to Hannibal showing Italy to

his soldiers.

Having thus addressed his men, Vasco Nunez proceeded to take formal possession, on behalf of the kings of Castille, of the sea, and of all that was in it; and, in order to make memorials of the event, he cut down trees, formed crosses, and heaped up stones. He also inscribed the names of the monarchs of Castille upon great trees in the vicinity.

The Spanish Conquest of America, Vol. i. Book vi. Ch. i.

AUSTEN HENRY LAYARD, D.C.L., M.P.,

exca

grandson of the Rev. Dr. Layard, Dean of Bristol, was born in Paris, 1817; visited Asia Minor, Persia, etc., about 1840, and a few years later discovered the ruins of Nineveh, near Mosul; subsequently, under the auspices of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, and in conjunction with M. Botta, made vations at Nimroud, where he found monuments marked with cuneiform inscriptions, and colossal emblematic figures in the form of winged bulls and lions" (now deposited in the British Museum), "memorials of a civilization which existed before the commencement of profane history;" Attaché to the Embassy at Constantinople, 1849; Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 1852, and again August, 1861, to June, 1866; M.P., 1852-57, and 1860 et seq.; Lord Rector of Aberdeen University, 1855-56; Trustee of the British Museum, 1866; Commissioner of Public Works, 1868; Ambassador to Spain, 1869.

Nineveh and its Remains: Researches and

Discoveries in Ancient Assyria, with the Narrative of a Residence in that Country, and Excursions to the Valleys of the Nestorian Christians, etc., Lond., 1848, 2 vols. 8vo, 6th edit., 1850, 2 vols. 8vo (discoveries in 1845-46); The Monuments of Nineveh ; illustrated from numerous drawings made on the spot, Lond., 1850, imp. fol., 10 Parts, 100 plates, £10 10s.; A Popular Account of Layard's Expedition to Nineveh, abridged by the author, Lond., 1851, er. 8vo; Fresh Discoveries at Nineveh, and Researches at Babylon: being the Results of the Second Expedition to Assyria [1849-51]: also A Journey to the Khabour, The Desert, Lake Van, Ancient Armenia, Kurdistan, and the Borders of the Euphrates, Lond., 1853, 2 vols. 8vo. See (London) Quart. Rev., Dec. 1848; Fraser's Mag., April, 1849; N. Brit. Rev., May, 1853.

EXCAVATIONS AT NIMROUD.

I had slept little during the night. The hovel in which we had taken shelter, and its inmates, did not invite slumber; but such scenes and companions were not new to me: they could have been forgotten had my brain been less excited. Hopes, long cherished, were now to be realized, or were to end in disappointment. Visions of palaces under ground, of gigantic monsters, of sculptured figures, and endless inscriptions, floated

before me.

After forming plan after plan for removing the earth, and extricating these treasures, I fancied myself wandering in a maze of chambers from which I could find no outlet. Then again, all was re-buried, and I was standing on the grass-covered mound. Exhausted, I was at length sinking into sleep, when hearing the voice of Awad, I rose from my carpet, and joined him outside the hovel.

The day already dawned; he had returned with six Arabs, who agreed for a small sum to work under my direction.

The lofty cone and broad mound of Nimroud broke like a distant mountain on the morning sky. But how changed was the scene since my former visit! The ruins were no longer clothed with verdure and many-coloured flowers; no signs of habitation, not even the black tent of the Arab, was seen upon the plain. The eye wandered over a parched and barren waste, across which occasionally swept the whirlwind dragging with it a cloud of sand. About a mile from us was the small village of Nimroud, like Naifa, a heap of ruins.-

Twenty minutes' walk brought us to the principal mound. The absence of all vegetation enabled me to examine the remains with which it was covered. Broken pot

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tery and fragments of bricks, both inscribed with the cuneiform character, were strewed on all sides. The Arabs watched my motions as I wandered to and fro, and observed with surprise the objects I had collected. They joined, however, in the search, and brought me handfuls of rubbish, amongst which I found with joy the fragment of a bas-relief. The material on which it was carved had been exposed to fire, and resembled, in every aspect, the burnt gypsum of Khorsabad. Convinced from this discovery that sculptured remains must still exist in some part of the mound, I sought for a place where excavations might be commenced with a prospect of success. Awad led me to a piece of alabaster which appeared above the soil. We could not remove it. and on digging downward, it proved to be the upper part of a large slab. I ordered all the men to work round it, and they shortly uncovered a second slab to which it had been united. Continuing in the same line, we came upon a third; and in the course of the morning laid bare ten more, the whole forming a square, with one stone missing at the N. W. corner. It was evident that the top of a chamber had been discovered, and down the face of the stones, and an inscripthat the gap was its entrance. I now dug tion in the cuneiform character was soon ex

posed to view. Similar inscriptions occupied

the centre of all the slabs, which were in the best preservation; but plain, with the exception of the writing. Leaving half the

workmen to uncover as much of the chamber as possible, I led the rest to the S. W. corner of the mound, where I had observed many fragments of calcined alabaster.

I dug at once into the side of the mound, which was here very steep, and thus avoided the necessity of removing much earth. We came almost immediately to a wall, bearing inscriptions in the same character as those already described; but the slabs had evidently been exposed to intense heat, were cracked in every part, and, reduced to lime, threatened to fall into pieces as soon as uncovered.

Night interrupted our labours. I returned to the village well satisfied with their result. It was now evident that buildings of considerable extent existed in the mound; and that although some had been destroyed by fire, others had escaped the conflagration. As there were inscriptions, and as a fragment of a bas-relief had been found, it was natural to conclude that sculptures were still buried under the soil. I determined to follow the search at the N. W. corner, and to empty the chamber partly uncovered during the day.

Nineveh and its Remains, Vol. i. Ch. ii.

CONFIRMATION OF THE SCRIPTURES. Doubtless, if I had undertaken these excavations with no other end than that of gratifying an idle curiosity or an ordinary spirit of enterprise, I should be utterly unI trust they were embarked in from a higher worthy of the honour you have shown me. motive. Archæology, if pursued in a liberal spirit, becomes of the utmost importance, as illustrating the history of mankind. [Great applause.] I confess that, sanguine as I was as to the results of my researches amongst could not, nor, indeed, probably could any the ruins on the Tigris and Euphrates, I human being, have anticipated the results self-praise. I consider myself but an humwhich they produced. I do not say this in labour successfully in bringing about those ble agent, whose good fortune it has been to ful of earth which was removed from those results. I could not doubt that every spade

vast remains would tend to confirm the truth

of prophecy and to illustrate the meaning of Scripture. But who could have believed

that records themselves should have been found which, as to the minuteness of their details, and the wonderful accuracy of their member that these were no fabrications of statements, should confirm almost word for word the very text of Scripture? And re

the deeds which they professed to relate had taken place, but records engraved by those who had actually taken part in them. Speech on the Occasion of the Presentation to Dr. Layard of the Freedom of the City of London, Feb. 9, 1854.

a later date in monuments centuries after

JAMES ANTHONY FROUDE, born at Totness, Devonshire, 1818, was educated at Westminster and the University of Oxford, where he obtained the Chancellor's Prize for the English Essay in 1842, and the same year was elected Fellow of Exeter College.

Shadow of the Clouds, Lond., 1847, 8vo (a novel); The Nemesis of Faith, Lond., 1848, 2d edit.. 1849, p. 8vo (a theologico-philosophical novel); The Book of Job, Lond., 1854, p. 8vo; History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada, Lond., 1856-70, 12 vols. 8vo, and cr. 8vo, New York, 1870-72, 12 vols. cr. 8vo; Short Studies on Great Subjects, 1868-71, 2 vols. 8vo, and cr. 8vo; The English in Ireland in the Eighteenth Century, 1872-74, 3 vols. 8vo; Thomas à Becket, 1878; Julius Caesar, a Sketch, 1879. He contributed to the Lives of the English Saints, and was for a short time, in 1871, editor of Fraser's Magazine.

"The peculiar merit of Mr. Froude's work [History of England] is its wealth of unpublished manuscripts; and the reign of Elizabeth is remarkably illustrated by the correspondence of the Spanish ambassadors and other agents of the court of Spain, which have been preserved in the Archives at Simancas. The extraordinary interest of such illustrations is apparent in every page of these volumes: they give novelty to the narrative and variety to the well-known incidents of the time; and they bring in aid of historical evidence the contemporary opinions of society upon current events.-Edin. Rev., Sept. 1866. See also Fraser's Mag., May, 1849, July, 1856, July and Sept. 1858, July, 1860; N. Brit. Rev., Nov. 1856; Edin. Rev., July, 1858, Jan. 1864; London Quar. Rev., Oct. 1863; Brit. Quar. Rev., Jan. and April, 1864; Hosack's Defence of Mary, Queen of Scots; Lecky's History of the Eighteenth Century.

EARLY CHARACTER OF HENRY VIII.

If Henry VIII. had died previous to the first agitation of the divorce, his loss would have been deplored as one of the heaviest misfortunes which had ever befallen the country; and he would have left a name which would have taken its place in history by the side of that of the Black Prince or the conqueror of Agincourt. Left at the nost trying age, with his character unformed, with the means at his disposal of gratifying every inclination, and married by his ministers when a boy to an unattractive woman far his senior, he had lived for thirtysix years almost without blame, and bore through England the reputation of an upright and virtuous king. Nature had been prodigal to him of her rarest gifts. In person he is said to have resembled his grandfather, Edward IV., who was the handsomest man in Europe. His form and bearing were princely; and amidst the easy freedom of his address, his manner remained majestic. No knight in England could match him in the tournament except the Duke of Suffolk: he drew with ease as strong a bow as was borne by any yeoman of his guard; and these powers were sustained in unfailing vigour by a temperate habit and by constant exercise. Of his intellectual ability we are not left to judge from the suspicious panegyrics of his contemporaries. His state papers and letters may be placed by the side of those of Wolsey or of Cromwell, and they lose nothing in the comparison. Though they are broadly different, the perception is equally clear, the expression equally powerful, and they breathe throughout an irresistible vigour of purpose. In addition to this he had a fine musical taste, carefully cultivated; he spoke and wrote in four languages; and his knowledge of a multitude of other subjects, with which his versatile ability made him conversant, would have formed the reputation of any ordinary

man. He was among the best physicians of his age; he was his own engineer, inventing improvements in artillery, and new constructions in ship-building; and this not with the condescending incapacity of a royal amateur, but with thorough workmanlike understanding. His reading was vast. especially in theology, which has been ridiculously ascribed by Lord Herbert to his father's intention of educating him for the Archbishopric of Canterbury: as if the scientific mastery of such a subject could have been acquired by a boy of twelve years of age, for he was no more when he became Prince of Wales. He must have studied theology with the full maturity of his intellect; and he had a fixed and perhaps unfortunate interest in the subject itself."

In all directions of human activity Henry displayed natural powers of the highest order, at the highest stretch of industrious culture. He was "attentive," as it is called, "to his religious duties," being present at the services in chapel two or three times a day with unfailing regularity, and showing to outward appearance a real sense of religious obligation in the energy and purity of his life. In private he was good-humoured and good-natured. His letters to his secretaries, though never undignified, are simple. easy, and unrestrained; and the letters written by them to him are similarly plain and business-like, as if the writers knew that the person whom they were addressing disliked compliments, and chose to be treated as a man. Again, from their correspondence with one another, when they describe interviews with him, we gather the same pleasant impression. He seems to have been always kind, always considerate; inquiring into their private concerns with genuine interest, and winning, as a consequence, their warm and unaffected attach

ment.

As a ruler he had been eminently popular. All his wars had been successful. He had the splendid tastes in which the English people most delighted, and he had substantially acted out his own theory of his duty which was expressed in the following words:

"Scripture taketh princes to be, as it were, fathers and nurses to their subjects, and by Scripture it appeareth that it appertaineth unto the office of princes to see that right religion and true doctrine be maintained and taught, and that their subjects may be well ruled and governed by good and just laws; and to provide and care for them that all things necessary for them may be plenteous; and that the people and commonweal may increase; and to defend them from oppression and invasion, as well within the realm as without; and to see that justice be adminis

tered unto them indifferently; and to hear benignly their complaints; and to show towards them, although they offend, fatherly pity. And, finally, so to correct them that be evil, that they had yet rather save them than lose them if it were not for respect of justice, and maintenance of peace and good order in the commonweal." [Exposition of the Commandments, set forth by Royal Authority, 1536. This treatise was drawn up by the bishops, and submitted to, and revised by, the king. Foot-note.] These principles do really appear to have determined Henry's conduct in his earlier years. His social administration we have partially seen in the previous chapter [Ch. I.]. He had more than once been tried with insurrection, which he had soothed down without bloodshed, and extinguished in forgiveness; and London long recollected the great scene which followed “evil May-day," 1517, when the apprentices were brought down to Westminster Hall to receive their pardons. There had been a dangerous riot in the streets, which might have provoked a mild government to severity; but the king contented himself with punishing the five ringleaders, | and four hundred other prisoners, after being paraded down the streets in white shirts with halters round their necks, were dismissed with an admonition, Wolsey weeping as he pronounced it.

It is certain that if, as I have said, he had died before the divorce was mooted, Henry VIII., like that Roman Emperor said by Tacitus to have been consensu omnium dignus imperii nisi imperasset, would have been considered by posterity as formed by Providence for the conduct of the Reformation, and his loss would have been deplored as a perpetual calamity. We must allow him, therefore, the benefit of his past career, and be careful to remember it, when interpreting his later actions. Not many men would have borne themselves through the same trials with the same integrity; but the circumstances of those trials had not tested the true defects in his moral constitution. Like all princes of the Plantagenet blood, he was a person of a most intense and imperious will. His impulses, in general nobly directed, had never known contradiction; and late in life, when his character was formed, he was forced into collision with difficulties with which the experience of discipline had not fitted him to contend. Education had done much for him, but his nature required more correction than his position had permitted, whilst unbroken prosperity and early independence of control had been his most serious misfortune. He had capacity, if his training had been equal to it, to be one of the greatest of men. With all his faults about him,

he was still perhaps the greatest of his contemporaries; and the man best able of all living Englishmen to govern England, had been set to do it by the conditions of his birth.

History of England, Vol. i. Chap. ii.

EXECUTION OF MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS.

Her last night was a busy one. As she said herself, there was much to be done and the time was short. A few lines to the King of France were dated two hours after midnight. They were to insist for the last time that she was innocent of the conspiracy, that she was dying for religion, and for having asserted her right to the crown; and to beg that out of the sum which he owed her, her servant's wages might be paid, and masses provided for her soul. After this she slept for three or four hours, and then rose and with the most elaborate care prepared to encounter the end.

At eight in the morning the Provost-marshal knocked at the outer door which communicated with her suite of apartments. It was locked and no one answered, and he went back in some trepidation lest the fears might prove true which had been entertained the preceding evening. On his returning with the Sheriff, however, a few minutes later, the door was open, and they were confronted with the tall, majestic figure of Mary Stuart standing before them in splendour. The plain grey dress had been exchanged for a robe of black satin; her jacket was of black satin also, looped and slashed and trimmed with velvet. Her false hair was arranged studiously with a coif, and over her head and falling down over her back was a white veil of delicate lawn. A crucifix of gold hung from her neck. In her hand she held a crucifix of ivory, and a number of jewelled Pater-nosters was attached to her girdle. Led by two of Paulet's gentlemen, the Sheriff walking before her, she passed to the chamber of presence in which she had been tried, where Shrewsbury, Kent, Paulet, Drury, and others, were waiting to receive her. Andrew Melville, Sir Robert's brother, who had been master of her household, was kneeling in tears. "Melville," she said, "you should rather rejoice than weep that the end of my troubles is come. Tell my friends I die a true Catholic. Commend me to my son. Tell him I have done nothing to prejudice his kingdom of Scotland, and so, good Melville, farewell." She kissed him, and turning asked for her chaplain, Du Preau. He was not present. There had been a fear of some religious melodrama which it was thought well to

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