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certificate would reduce all to the same low; and not leave them to go wholesale to a level. He did not say that the proposal place which must not be named, without of his hon. Friend the hon. Member for a helping hand being held out to save Berkshire was a perfect remedy, but it them. He believed that the Motion of was, at all events, a step in the right his hon. Friend would have a tendency to direction. It would, to a certain extent, make the Privy Council system more elascompel the trained masters to show, not tic, and to enable it to reach those whom only that they had the power to teach, it did not reach. If they adhered strictly but that they did teach. They would, to the system as it was now established, through the inspectors, come into compe- they would go on for fourteen or fifteen tition with men trained in a different way, years more having large classes shut out; and the results would be beneficial to both. the consequence of that would be that they would become impatient of paying, and then those who were now sucking the orange to their hearts' content would not find it yield quite so much juice as it had hitherto done.

His right hon. Friend below him said that the proposal would wholly exclude the consideration of the religious teaching given in the schools. He did not understand it in that sense, and the hon. Member who proposed the Resolutions had re- MR. PULLER said, he would suggest pudiated that construction, and placed to the right hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. upon the words the larger interpretation Adderley) that it would be better to meet which they certainly would bear. The in- the Motion of the hon. Member for Berks spectors were to look into the whole con- with a direct negative than by the Amenddition of the schools proposed to be ad- ment which he had proposed. That Amendmitted under these Resolutions, in the same ment would, as it stood, exclude from way as they did with regard to those the grant schools for the teaching sciwhich already received the grant. He ence and art, which were not confined considered that the words of the Resolu- to the working classes, and would, in tion were large enough. If he did not, fixing the amount of aid, leave out of he certainly should not support them, be- consideration fees and endowments, neither cause the two points to which he had of which results could be desired by the always attached the greatest importance right hon. Gentleman. The right hon. were, that education should be based upon Gentleman the Member for Oxfordshire religion, and that the Privy Council sys- (Mr. Henley) took a view of the matter tem should be made more elastic, so that different from that entertained by the it should not shut out the large number hon. Member for Berks. The latter of children who were now excluded from hon. Gentleman in his second Resolution its benefits. With reference to ragged complained of the injustice done to maschools, he must say that the children nagers; but the whole burden of the right who attended them, those outsiders of hon. Gentleman's complaint was the injussociety whom the Privy Council would not tice, not to the managers of schools, but admit into their schools, were just those to the payers of taxes. The first Resoluwho were the most destitute and most tion spoke of the poorer schools. There neglected, and who required the most was a cognate expression which was often looking after; and any system which did used-that of "poor parishes.' The ponot take hold of them failed in a most im verty was often fictitious and imaginary portant particular. They were the most rather than real, and arose, as the Comdestitute of God's creatures. It was per-missioners themselves stated, not from any haps their misfortune that they had care- want of property in the parishes, but from less parents. It might be their great the indifference of non-resident proprietors misfortune that they had wicked parents; and their unwillingness to pay for the supbut they were cast loose to go to what port of that education to which they ought mischief they might, and for some reason to contribute. Only last year the right or other the Privy Council would not at- hon. Gentleman the Member for Oxfordtempt to recall them. What had been shire stated that there were in that county said that night upon the subject deserved sixty assisted schools. The population of the great weight. He had, over and over whole county was 170,000, and that of the again, urged those who had the manage- places where the assisted schools were situment of the Educational Department to ate 70,000, or about 40 per cent; while, endeavour to recall what were called the according to the Income Tax Returns, those "Arabs" of this and other great cities, places represented about 30 per cent of the

property of the county. Therefore, com paring property with population, the part of the country which was assisted had a smaller proportion of property and a larger proportion of population; while that which was not assisted had a smaller proportion of population, and a larger proportion of property. It was said that the population was scattered over a large area divided into small parishes; but did the proposition of the hon. Member for Berkshire meet the cases of small parishes where there was no liberal esquire or energetic parson? Not at all. He proposed to meet the case of those who, being able and willing to pay for a good teacher, and so to produce certain results, were now excluded from the grant because their teacher had not got a certificate; but the difficulty of the small parishes was to take the first step, that of securing a good teacher; and if the hon. Member wished to meet the wants of really destitute parishes in the manner suggested, he must go on and guarantee the salary of the teacher, with out waiting for any results. If that were done, the House would never have any rest until it consented to take into its own hands the entire control of the education of the country. That would be the fatal result of departing from the system of wholesome supervision which the House had hitherto exercised. He should give a decided negative to the Resolutions.

lower his certificates until they became of no value, so that bad and cheap masters could obtain them. What was asked was that the managers of schools should produce certain results of instruction, and that they should have the advantage of the stimulus of a Government inspector, who should make the schools as good as circumstances permitted. Disguise it as they might, a large number of schools were unable at present to take advantage of the Government grants. These schools were mainly of two classes-small country schools not supported in their localities, and ragged schools in towns. As long as their educational system excluded these two classes of schools, it rested on an unsound and illogical foundation. Depend upon it, such a system, however they might patch it up, could not be maintained. In some way or other the difficulty must be met. The Vice President of the Education Committee was aware of the defect, and how did he intend to meet it? In the most objectionable way possible-namely, by lower classes of certificates. He said, "I will still keep up this system of certificates, still maintain a class that shall have a monopoly; and, in order to reach the classes in question, I will endeavour to make my certificates really worth nothing by lowering them." The right hon. Gentleman was not asked to do that. Those who wished for some alteration in the present system felt the advantage of the trained masters, the certificated teachers, and the pupil teachers. The latter were an important class, and it was desirable that the duty of instructing them should be intrusted to men of high certificates. The right hon. Gentleman was only asked to make some provision for those children who were excluded from any participation in the Education Grant. The hon. Gentleman (Mr. Walter) had moved two Resolutions-the first was of a very positive character, and might be embar rassing to the Government. He was certain the hon. Member did not wish to embarrass the Government, but to carry the principle of his second Resolution, which should have his hearty support.

SIR STAFFORD NORTHCOTE said, the House had heard a great deal about logic, but he must protest against some of the logic he had heard. The case put by the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Adderley) was, that there were three conditions under the Revised Code necessary for the receipt of a grant-instruction, the approval of the inspector, and the presence of a certificated teacher-and that the Resolution of the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Walter) did away with two of these conditions and retained only the test of instruction. So far, however, from that being the case, it was the reverse of the case; and what the hon. Member for Hertfordshire (Mr. Puller) had said was an illustration of the mistakes into which hon. Gentlemen had fallen. What the hon. Member for Berkshire, | Ile trusted that the hon. Member would however, did, was to put before the House the case of a large number of schools the managers of which could not afford to pay certificated teachers. These uncertificated masters had been spoken of as cheap and bad. Now, the Vice President of the Education Committee was not asked to

consent to withdraw his first Resolution, so that the issue might be taken on his second Resolution, which was a protest against the necessity of employing a certificated teacher. If that were the issue, he should heartily vote with the hon. Gentleman the Member for Berkshire.

SIR MINTO FARQUHAR said, that he had taken considerable interest in the subject, and having last year joined in the opposition to the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Lowe) he felt that they had now reason to be thankful to the hon. Member for the University of Cambridge (Mr. Walpole) for the course he then took, which obliged the Government to re-revise the Revised Code, and to make it more acceptable to the country. On this occasion he felt bound to take a different course, because the right hon. Gentleman, in an excellent, clever, able speech, had shown that he had lost much of the feeling which he displayed last year. He then made most unfair attacks upon the schoolmasters, but on re-consideration, he now candidly admitted their usefulness in the work of education. The right hon. Gentleman had shown that the Resolution proposed by the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Walter) would entirely interfere with the system proposed by the Privy Council. That system had effected a great improvement in the education of the country, and he should be sorry to see it interfered with. The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Henley) had said that the children at present were in some cases not taught at all. That was going, he thought, much too far. The Commissioners of Education had acknowledged the great advantages derived from the present system of education. He felt satisfied, that if the Resolution of the hon. Member for Berkshire were carried, it would very materially interfere with the education carried on by the Committee of Privy Council. If, as had been stated, the test was so simple, he could not understand why the masters should not submit to it, seeing that such submission would not only give them a status, but would entitle their schools to an assistance they did not receive. He hoped his right hon. Friend (Mr. Adderley) would accede to the suggestion of the hon. Member for Hertfordshire, and withdraw his Amendment, so that the House might be able to come to a decision on the Motion of the hon. Member for Berkshire.

MR. WALTER: After the indulgence which the House accorded me in the early part of the evening I shall make but a very few remarks in reply. I heartily agree in the proposal of the hon. Member for Hertfordshire (Mr. Puller), that it would be far better to come to a vote, "Aye" or "No." upon one or other of these Resolutions than upon the Amendment which the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Adderley) has

submitted to the House. But I must first offer a few remarks upon the verbal criticism which my right hon. Friend (Mr. Lowe) made in the course of his speech upon the first Resolution. I do not know whether he imputed what he found objectionable in that Resolution more to stupidity on my part or to malice prepense. Now, it is not easy to frame a Resolution which shall be entirely unexceptionable, but I agree with the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Oxfordshire (Mr. Henley) in thinking that the terms of the Resolution were simple enough. The first Resolution was intended to define the sort of schools to which the second Resolution was to apply, and when I spoke of "the poorer schools' I wished to include such schools as the ragged schools, and to exclude private schools or schools carried on for profit. As regards the word "attendance" it would have been better to have omitted it, but it certainly never occurred to me for one moment to exclude from the results to be required by the inspectors, and of which they were to have the means of judging, the religious instruction, cleanliness, and, in general, the proper condition of the school. That, of course, I took for granted it was taken for granted in the Revised Code-and I never intended to include those hedge schools which would not satisfy the ordinary requirements of decency, order, and discipline. But as the first Resolution is of no material consequence, I should wish it away altogether, and that the Vote should be taken upon the second, which is entirely on the question of certificates. When my right hon. Friend uttered his glowing eulogium upon the schoolmasters, and described the great achievements which they would perform, it occurred to me that that was not quite to the purpose, because we have not to deal with children of high-skilled mechanics who are to be made Stephensons or Brunels, but with the children of labourers and poor men, for whom all this sublime, marvellous, and exceedingly expensive machinery is not required. We are spending at present £800,000 in educating a million of children. I say that is monstrous. Give me £80,000 and I will educate 250,000 children in the best possible way. The sum which I think at the outside my Resolution, if carried, would cost the State would be £100,000. It would be long before 250,000 children would come within the scope of this Resolution. But, taking 5,000 schools of fifty children each, and allowing £15 for every

school, that would give £75,000 for 250,000 children. Add to that sum the expense of an extra clerk and fifty assistant inspectors, which might be set down. at £25.000, and the entire cost would be £100,000. That is cheap in comparison with the system which the Government is at present carrying out. But I think my right hon. Friend the Member for Oxfordshire (Mr. Henley) hit the right nail on the head when he said that my Resolution would not interfere with the training colleges so much as the Government themselves have done. There is much more consistency in trying to abolish the training colleges altogether, which I do not propose to do, than in introducing an utterly sham certificate in order to meet the case of those hedge schools. We are told that the certificate is to prove the moral character of the teacher; but if you give a certificate on two totally different principles, there is an end of its utility. What I ask is, that those trees of knowledge which the rural managers-the country clergymen chiefly-are planting in all the rural schools of the kingdom, and planting at their own expense, should be judged by their fruits, without the Government inquiring whether certificated teachers have been employed or not. That is the sum and substance of my Resolution, and I trust that it will meet with the support of the House.

MR. LOWE said, he rose merely to add one piece of statistical information which he had omitted in his former address to the House, and which would have some bearing on what had fallen from the right hon. Member for Oxfordshire. In the Report of the Royal Commission, page 318, it was stated that in the year 1858 there was in the parishes of under 600 inhabitants in the county of Somersetshire only one school which was aided by Government. There were now twenty-seven. In Devonshire there were only two such schools in the year 1858, there were now twenty-three; in Dorsetshire there were in the year 1858 only ten such schools, there were now twenty-eight; and in Cornwall there was then only one, whereas now there were ten. Amendment and Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

Motion made, and Question put,

"That to require the employment of certificated teachers, or of pupil teachers by school managers, as an indispensable condition of their participation in the Capitation Grant, is inexpedient, and unjust to the managers of such schools.

The House divided :-Ayes 117; Noes 152: Majority 35.

UNIFORMITY ACT AMENDMENT BILL. LEAVE. FIRST READING.

MR. E. P. BOUVERIE said, he rose to move that the House go into Committee for the purpose of enabling him to introduce a Bill to make an Amendment in what was commonly known as the Act of Uniformity. He did not propose to deal generally with the question, which, as they all knew, had recently excited considerable attention and discussion in the country, so far as it related to the condition of the clergy of the Church of England and the subscription to the liturgy. That was a far wider question than the one he proposed now to deal with. The hon. Member for Maidstone had given notice of a Motion touching that question, and he did not intend to trench upon his province. His object was to amend a portion of the Act of Uniformity which was comparatively unnoticed and obscure. The eighth section of the Act required a great number of persons, deans and canons, and prebendaries, professors, masters of colleges, and all fellows of colleges, to make a declaration of conformity to the Liturgy of the Church of England before they took possession of their fellowships or incumbencies. In accordance with that requisition, no person could become a fellow of a college at Oxford or Cambridge until he had declared before the Vice Chancellor of the University that he would conform to the Liturgy of the Church of England. Now, up to the year 1854 at Oxford, and the year 1856 as regarded Cambridge, that clause of the Act of Uniformity might be said to have had no operation, because until then nobody could take a degree without declaring in one way or another that he was a member of the Church of England. Oxford he had to sign the Thirty-nine Articles when he was matriculated or became an undergraduate, and again when he took his degree; and at Cambridge, when a person took his degree, he had to declare that he was a bona fide member of the Church of England. The Oxford Act of 1854 and the Cambridge Act of 1856 did away with that requisition, and these two Acts provided, the one with reference to Oxford that nobody should be required to take any declaration or make any onth on taking his bachelor's degree; and the Cambridge Act declared that for any degree except divinity no oath or declaration should be taken. Now, a Fellow, as they all knew, to obtain a fellowship must have

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a degree; and as that declaration in con- them had turned out the most distinnection with the Church of England was guished of the undergraduates. required at the time of taking a degree, no gentleman who was Senior Wrangler in person could possibly by university law be- the year 1860-a Scotchman -was come a Fellow who was not a member of member of the free Church of Scotland. the Church of England. But, in addition Ile took his degree as Senior Wrangler, to that, he would have also to make a de- and he (Mr. Bouverie) was informed that claration under the Act of Uniformity, that it was perhaps the most brilliant degree he would conform to the Liturgy of the taken for the last half century. He was a Church of England. What he proposed mathematician of the first order, and would to the House to do was simply to repeal have adorned the annals of Cambridge. this requisition. It was not merely as a He was a scholar of Trinity College, and theoretic question of liberty of opinion that had he been able to make the required dehe proposed it, for on that ground he never claration of conformity he would have been would have invited the House to make a elected a Fellow. The college, as he was change; but it was at the request of an informed, was desirous of electing him a influential portion of the resident Fellows of Fellow, as it had happened that for some the University of Cambridge. In the past years no member of it had taken a disyear he had presented a Petition signed by tinguished degree in mathematics, and no less than seventy-four of the resident Fel- there had not been a Trinity Senior lows, comprising many of the most eminent Wrangler for sixteen years. The college names of men connected for a long time was therefore desirous of strengthening its with the educational system of that great mathematical teaching power; but this paruniversity, and stating that that require- ticular gentleman was stopped by the dement of the Act of Uniformity was in their claration, although he had attended the opinion injurious to the interests of the services in the chapel, and he believed had university, and praying the House to re- taken the sacraments, and thus the college peal that clause. When he mentioned that lost the services of Mr. Stirling. The amongst the names attached to the Peti- same thing happened in the case of another tion were those of Professor Sedgwick, Nonconformist, also a Senior Wrangler. Mr. Clarke, Mr. Phear, Mr. Todhunter, These examples happening so shortly after and others well known in association the admission of Nonconformists to degrees with the educational system at Cam- showed what good grounds those gentlebridge, anybody who had any know- men, who were most competent to form an ledge of that subject would admit that opinion, had for thinking that such exgreat weight was due to the authority of clusion was injurious to the university and that Petition. The ground upon which to the cause of education. Great educathe opinion of those Petitioners was formed tional establishments like Trinity College, he ought to state to the House. One great with Fellowships open to all classes, offered change effected in the universities by the great prizes for intellectual ability. By Acts to which he had referred was to ren-excluding Nonconformists from competition der Dissenters admissible to degrees. Up to the Act of 1854 no Dissenter could even have matriculated at Oxford, but at Cambridge they were more liberal; they allowed a man to reside, and till he took his degree no declaration was required of him. Up to that time no Dissenter or Nonconforntist could take a degree; but by those two Acts Dissenters and Nonconformists of every kind were admissible to a degree, and admissible at Cambridge to all the scholarships and exhibitions without any declaration or oath required of them by an express clause in the Cambridge Act. What had been the consequence? A certain number of gentlemen had come to reside in different colleges of the Univer. sity of Cambridge who were not members of the Church of England, and some of

they were deprived of incentives for going to the university, and for exertion if they did go there. The colleges which desired the services of such men were not only robbed of them, but the field of choice for Fellows, who ought to be distinguished for intellectual capacity, was limited. He did not wish to put forward the case of injustice to Nonconformists, but where there were no clerical privileges, nor theological questions affected, he thought the exclusion was an injustice. Take the case of his constituents in the north. Why were all Scotchmen to be excluded from all opportunity of obtaining those prizes? It was a curious fact that this particular clause in the Act of Uniformity did not appear to have been originally part of the Bill, but was introduced by the Commons as an

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