Jesuitical race, that they are devout and weaken the Russian Empire-they only bigoted followers of the Roman Catholic wish to see it well governed and brought religion, and that if ever they should be within due limits, happy within itself, adrestored to power, they would establish a vancing the welfare of its people, and not persecuting and superstitious kingdom. constantly brought forward as a scandal and My Lords, I protest against this whole a cause of dispute in Europe. At the same argument frou first to last. In the first time, I think they might remind the Emplace, I maintain that the best way to get peror of the condition to which his empire rid of bigotry and priestcraft is to give is brought; that, his father having exfreedom to the people, and to enable them hausted nearly the whole of its resources to escape from the peculiar inspirations of by his military operations, the present Emtheir priests. But is there anything re-peror is exhausting the remainder; that prehensible or unnatural in the fact that there are no railways nor means of interthe people of Poland, in their present con- communication throughout those vast terdition, in the difficulties in which they are ritories, and that therefore, if he is anxious and have been placed for so long a time, to concentrate his troops, and to place should bind themselves to their priesthood them on a war footing, more than a year and to the professors of the Roman Catho- must elapse before they can be brought lic religion? Where have they received where he wishes to collect them-and all encouragement and advice except from because the money which ought to be extheir own priesthood? Have you not seen pended upon railways has been spent upon that the Archbishop of Warsaw, so long his intolerable armies and his monstrous considered as friendly to the oppressor, has crusades against the peace of Europe. I resigned his civil post, and has come for- think he might be reminded that the Rusward as an advocate of the rights of the sian Empire is threatened on the side of people? And what have the Poles gained Circassia, and that the empire must be in from Protestant Powers? They have had a very insecure state when, in order to exbut little from Protestant England, and cite military zeal in the people, it is neceswhat have they had from Protestant Prus- sary to promise them a holy war. They sia? And if you consider that, of all the were promised a holy war in the Crimea, potentates of Europe, one only was found they are promised a holy war now in Powho, in the strongest manner his position land; but a people is surely not to be rewould permit, came forward to mark his lied on when it is necessary to fill them sense of abhorrence of the treatment which with bigotry when they enlist, and with the Poles had received-that when the brandy when they fight. It is, my Lords, Emperor Nicholas went to Rome in 1845, an undeniable fact, that the Russian troops Pope Gregory XVI. refused to see him, are brought up to the fight drenched with because his hand was stained with the brandy. But there is a still surer sign of blood of his Roman Catholic priests and decay, which has lately been manifested. people-when you consider that the Polish The Government of Russia, fearful of the people know that, and compare it with the progress of liberal opinions among the treatment which they had received from officers of the army, published an anProtestant Powers, you must not be sur-nouncement to the men not to pay attenprised that they lean to those who alone have shown their readiness to support them in their hour of trial. I bring this subject forward because I wish to disconnect myself from those who take that illiberal view, a view not in harmony with English feeling, nor founded upon any of the doctrines or precepts of Christianity. But to return to what I have just observed -never was a time so favourable for the expression of public opinion as the present moment. Never were the arguments so strong or the sympathies so powerful in favour of Poland as now. I really think Her Majesty's Government might address the Russian Cabinet, and say that neither they nor the people of England wish to tion to those officers. And hence the disorder and want of discipline of the Russian army-hence so many of the officers are almost daily assassinated by the Russian soldiers. In fact, want of discipline has been quoted by the Russian Government in extenuation of their own atrocities. Well, then, my Lords, if we persevere in this course of remonstrance, in those declarations of public opinion, in those appeals to the Emperor and his Ministers, not in sccret, but before the whole world, it will, I am sure, however reluctant they may be, have a deep and lasting effect, and that speedily. My Lords, whatever may happen to the Poles, our obligations to them will still exist. The Poles at an early period of their history may have been haughty | of the time, that if Poland could not be and arrogant; they may have been dis- re-established as an independent Power, it orderly and troublesome to themselves and might still be kept together as a nation. to the whole of Europe; but we owe to Every precaution was taken to provide that that nation a debt of gratitude, first for a distinct line of demarcation-that which the chivalrous service which they rendered existed previously to 1772-should be still when all Europe was quailing before the maintained, and that however politically face of the Turk, and the Poles and the distributed the people of Poland might be Poles alone were able to drive them from under different Sovereigns, their nationality the walls of Vienna. We also owe them a should be preserved, and the rights and pridebt for the cold if not contemptuous in-vileges of intercommunication of the Poles difference with which we treated them of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, among when, with the exception of the institution themselves, such as their fellow-subjects of the slave trade, the greatest public crime ever perpetrated against mankind was con- i mitted in the partition of Poland. Happen what may, the Poles will ever have all our hearts and all our sympathies; and, my Lords, I do hope, and I am sure it is the hope of this country-nay more, it is the earnest prayer of every true man within these realms, that we may yet live to see the time when this down-trodden and longoppressed people shall enter again upon their ancient rights, and after so much experience and bitter sorrow shall inaugurate a noble career of civil and religious liberty, of humanity, and of justice. The noble Earl concluded by presenting the Petition THE EARL OF HARROWBY presented a Petition from inhabitants of Liverpool to the same effect, and said, that the realization of the hopes to which the noble Earl had given utterance would be the ultimate hopes of their Lordships also, could they see their way to that result; but he doubt ed whether at the present moment the views of their Lordships extended quite that length. They must have been convinced, by the experience of the last fifty years, that the attempts to reconcile the Polish nation to the condition in which it was placed by the Congress of Vienna were utterly hopeless, and that it would be impossible to restore that confidence to the Poles in those who ruled them, which was essential to good government and to contentment among themselves. The experiment made at the time to which he alluded was a bold one; but it was the only way in which Europe could then express its opinion upon the rights of Poland. Under the peculiar circumstances which then existed, it was evidently impossible to go back upon the transactions of forty or fifty years, and to do that which the public conscience and public voice of Europe required. The statesmen of that day did the best by way of approximation, and they took every precaution compatible with the circumstances did not possess towards them or the subjects of other States, were secured to them. This fact entirely disposed of the plea that had lately been put forward, that Russia in the earlier partition of Poland had not been guilty of spoliation, and that in annexing her Polish provinces she was, in fact, only recovering territories which Poland had formerly wrested from her. But this pretext had been formally excluded by the provisions of the Congress of all the great European Powers, which distinctly recognized as Poland all that had borne that name before 1772. Those provisions, however, were very soon neglected-above all by Russia, which obtained the largest share of spoliation. The Emperor of Russia, indeed, conferred the promised constitution upon the Poles of the Duchy of Warsaw; but however liberal that constitution was in appearance, for all practical purposes it was never really in action. It was, indeed, often pretended in certain quarters that until the year 1831 Russia had performed all her duties and engagements to Poland, and that she was entitled, by the unprovoked insurrection of that year, to dispense with the observance of the Polish constitution. That argument was without the slightest foundation. The great feature of that constitution was the Diet, and the provision that the Diet should enjoy the control which it was necessary for a representative Assembly to have over the expenditure of the country, and that it should be called together every three years at least. The Diet, however, instead of meeting according to the provisions of the constitution, had been only summoned three times in fifteen years, and during that period no budget was once submitted to it. Let them remember further what it was to be under the Government of the Grand Duke Constantine-concerning which it was not necessary to say one word—and it would be seen that if the Poles rose in insurrec tion in 1831, it was not owing to dema has lately happened, and more especially gogic excitement, but was the natural result of Russian rule. Their Lordships were not called upon to engage this country in a war in which the risks and mischief were certain, while the advantages were doubtful. But they were called upon, not so much to give their sympathy to Poland, as to give their opinion on a matter of public right. They were called upon to declare to the world that it was their Lordships' opinion that the conditions on which "The Treaty of Vienna declared that the KingRussia held the whole of the Polish terri- dom of Poland should be attached to Russia by its tory-provinces and kingdom together- constitution. A constitution the Emperor of having been broken, her title to any part Russia accordingly gave, and it surely is no forced of Poland was forfeited, and she would construction of the meaning of that treaty to consider the constitution so given as existing thencehereafter hold it by the sword alone. He forth under the sanction of the treaty." believed that a general expression of this It it not required that I should detain opinion would have great weight in Europe, and that it was of the utmost importance your Lordships by any lengthened arguthat all Europe should know that any sancment with respect to the Treaty of Vienna, tion which England had given in the Con- and the constitution necessarily connected gress of Vienna to the continuance of Rused in the despatches of 1831, and appears with that treaty. That argument appearsian rule in Poland was entirely withdrawn, in the despatches of the present time. and that hereafter we recognized in her no other title but the sword. But there is one consideration which He tells Lord Palmerston that it was true with the effect which we ourselves wished, our representations had not been attended but that it would be a great mistake to Our representations, he says, were entirely suppose they had been altogether useless. confined to the Kingdom of Poland, and Russia-those nine Russo-Polish Governthey had no bearing on those provinces of do not form part of the Polish Kingdom. ments, I believe they are called-which EARL RUSSELL: My Lords, I have arises from reading the papers of 1831 which I think ought to be present to listened with the greatest attention to the the mind of Parliament, and to the mind speeches of my two noble Friends who have just addressed your Lordships. 1t of those of the public who sometimes ask, is under a sense of great responsibility tations ?" I would call the attention of "What is the use of diplomatic represen that I rise to offer some observations to those who advance such opinions to a deyour Lordships. That sense of responsi-spatch of Lord Heytesbury written in 1832. bility arises more particularly from two considerations. The first is, lest I should give too sanguine a colour to the representations which are being made by the Powers of Europe to Russia, and lest I should say too much as to my expectations of the success of those efforts, and so induce your Lordships to think that a happy consummation is speedily to be expected. The other consideration that affects me is, lest I should induce your Lordships to think-and still more lest I should induce the Polish nation to think -that Her Majesty's Government are prepared in any way to take part in this contest, or to do more than address to the "It will be sufficient to cast our eyes towards Government of Russia those representa- Kingdom of Poland, and consequently out of the the Russo-Polish provinces not included in the tions which, in our opinion, it belongs to reach of foreign intervention, to be convinced to a country like this to make, and more the contrary. In the Kingdom of Poland, setting especially when the same sentiments are out of the question those accused of assassination shared and expressed by the two power. and the officers of the three corps, Kaminski, ful Governments of France and Austria- and who are now gradually returning to their Rybinski, and Ramorin, who form a class apart, representations which we make with a due homes upon consenting to renew their oaths of regard to our own interests, to the interests allegiance, there are not above twenty individuals of justice, and to the interests of the charac-excluded from the amnesty or who will suffer for ter of the Emperor of Russia-and which, in our opinion, cannot safely be neglected. My Lords, before I speak of that which Mark the difference in reference to these different provinces. Lord Heytesbury writes their political conduct. But in the Russo-Polish tion of property, exile, or deportation to Siberia, provinces incorporated with the empire confisca are the general lot. Not an individual has been suffered to escape who took any active part in the that in 'nothing that he has done with revolution. This different measure of punishment, regard to Poland, and in nothing that I though it speaks little in favour of the clemency have hitherto seen, do I perceive the founof this Government, shows clearly the effect of foreign intervention. We may not have gained dations of that prosperity, of that enjoymuch, but we at least have the consolation of ment of just rights, which the Poles are knowing that the course pursued would have been entitled to expect. I find in the last de infinitely more severe had we not taken the line spatch of Prince Gortschakoff the views which are held out with regard to Poland. Prince Gortschakoff says— we did." them; if we could believe that they had reason to entertain confidence that those institutions would afterwards be developed into a complete system of freedom and of justice; then, indeed, we might look forward with some satisfaction to the future of Poland. But what is the case? Where are the grounds for that confidence? Institutions have been given, but from time to time there have been the most arbitrary arrests; men have been taken from their beds and sent to prison without accusation; in the churches of Warsaw-in one, I believe, the cathedral church especiallyarrests were ordered, and the pavement was stained with the blood of men who went to worship God according to their own rites. This shows, at least, that some advantages may be derived from the influence of a great Power, using language founded on "By the side of an act of clemency, to which truth, calling attention to infractions of the it has been possible to give a large extension since the dispersion of the most important armed bands, spirit of treaties, and making representa- the Emperor has maintained in force the institutions which a great Power like Russia tions already granted; and has declared that he would not like to disregard. Now, in reserved to himself the power of giving to them speaking of what has lately happened in the developments indicated by time and the requirements of the country. His Majesty can, Russia, I would, in the first place, enthen, refer to the past in the rectitude of his deavour to do justice to the character of conscience; as to the future, it necessarily dethe Emperor. In that respect I differ, pends on the confidence with which these instituperhaps, from my noble Friend who has tions will be met in the kingdom." presented Petitions this evening. I have Now, really, the whole gist of the present an entire belief in the benevolence and question as regards Poland lies in those sincerity of that Sovereign. I do not refer last words. If we could believe the Poles to mere professions on his part of senti- would accept with confidence institutions ments which all monarchs are apt to pro-recently given, or about to be given to fess; but I do say that there is hardly any Act which ennobles the reign of a Sovereign more extensive or grand in its effects, or more benevolent in its conception than the emancipation of the serfs of Russia. Every one who has attended to the circumstances under which that step was taken knows that the persons of most influence at the Court, the great aristocracy of Russia, were deeply interested in the maintenance of serfdom. To some the measure of emancipation has been attended with the loss of half their annual income, others have suffered to a far greater extent, in the loss of five-sixths or even nine-tenths of their property. But the Emperor of Russia, seeing that the interests of humanity were involved in the question, and that millions, not only of the present race, but of those yet unborn, would derive benefit from the proclamation of freedom, has not hesitated with due deliberation, but at the same time with the utmost boldness-to declare the freedom of the serfs throughout the wide extent of his dominions. I say, then, we have no right to assume that a Sovereign who performed such an act from his own convictions of right, and who was not forced to adopt that course by anything like insurrection, will be animated with regard to another part of his dominions by intentions which are other than favourable to their welfare. But, having said this much having declared what is my opinion I am next obliged to say Acts such as these must de stroy all confidence in rulers. Beyond that, they cannot help reflecting that in 1832 and the following years attempts were made to deprive the Poles of their language, and to convert them by force to a religion which was not their own. The policy of the Emperor Nicholas, if it had been successful, might, indeed, have changed the whole face of Poland; but, not being successful, it leaves a lasting sense of resentment, and an enduring belief that the Poles never can rely on the promises of the Russian Government. My noble Friend has referred to what he callsI think rightly calls-the act of proscription, which was the immediate cause of the outbreak; and asks, when such an outrage has taken place, can men possess confi- government in every case; and unless they dence in the institutions about to be given are present, I do not see how good governto them? It has been observed by those ment can be secured to Poland. One way who are well acquainted with the Govern- of securing that the persons who govern ment of Poland - and I have consulted shall have the confidence of the Poles is, those who have watched its course year that there shall be a National Assembly by year-that there is one great vice of elected by the Poles themselves. I do not the Russian Government;-whatever good mean to be pedantic about this matter, as may be done, or whatever liberal insti- Prince Gortschakoff reproaches us with betutions are given, it exhibits no per- ing. I do not mean to say that the instiseverance and no consistency in carrying tutions which suit England are exactly them out. At one time it was declared those which would suit Poland, or any other that all trials for political offences should country which could be named; but what be public. That system was carried into I say is essential is this-that the persons effect for a few weeks, but, some inconve- who govern, whether they are named by nience being found to arise, it was at once the municipal councils or by the Emperor put an end to. These are the things which himself, or are chosen by the suffrages of prevent any feeling of confidence from the electors, should be persons who have arising in the breasts of subjects of such a the confidence of the nation-they should Government-they cannot possibly rely that be persons in the performance of whose the institutions to be given will be perma- promises the nation confides. When you nent. That very act of conscription was place at the head of the Government a directly in the teeth of the law of 1859, man who promulgates a law that the perenacted in the reign of the present Em- sons who are required for the service of the peror, upon which, if the Poles could rely army shall be taken by lot and according upon anything, they ought to have been to certain known rules, and who suddenly able to rely as a permanent law of the and in one night violates all those rules Kingdom of Poland. We are forced, then, and kidnaps 2,000 young men-in such a to come to the conclusion that it is difficult, man the people can have no confidence ; above all things, to inspire in the Poles and while such a Government is continued, that feeling of confidence with which these it is idle to expect that peace should be institutions to be successful must be viewed. maintained in Poland. Likewise, with reIt may be said that it is hard upon an Em-gard to the law, there must be fixed and peror whose intentions are so praiseworthy that he should be met with distrust and that all his benefits should be spurned. But such is the natural, such is the legitimate consequence of despotism-that its caprices destroy all confidence, and its promises for the future are spurned because its promises for the past have been falsified. If that be the case, had we not reason when we recommended that the constitution which was given by the Emperor Alexander I. in 1815 should be restored and scrupulously adhered to? In saying this, I do not suppose that the Powers of Europe assembled at Vienna accurately prescribed that constitution, framed its articles, or affirmed its nicer provisions; but I say this-that I know not how the Russian Government or any people having a national resentment and aversion to the Poles, can govern happily and securely but by giving these two securities-first, that the men employed in the Government shall have the confidence of the nation; and secondly, that the nation to be governed shall be governed according to known laws and rules. These are the foundations and elements of good certain rules. It was for this reason that Her Majesty's Government advised a return to the institutions of Alexander I. as likely to secure peace to Poland; but, whether those institutions or any others are adopted, I say now, as we said then, that in any future diplomatic representations, in any of those negotiations which Prince Gortschakoff declares that the Russian Government is willing to entertain, in any discussions into which we may enter, we must always maintain, that unless the civil, political, and municipal government of Poland is placed in the hands of the Poles themselves, there is no chance of tranquillity in that country. I speak of tranquillity in the sense in which the three Powers have spoken. The French Government have asked to have durable peace; the Austrian Government have asked to have durable peace; the British Government have asked for peace on lasting foundations. I say that it is such a peace as that to which we ought to look, and that if we merely said "Here are certain benevolent institutions which have been given to the Poles, and they ought to be satisfied |