with them," we should be deceiving our- | ski went to St. Petersburg? He was sumselves, deceiving the Poles, and deceiv- moned there in order to explain an address ing Europe to expect any such result. To to the Emperor, which had been signed by take the next point raised by my noble many of the nobles and great proprietors Friend, I know not that we can go beyond of Poland. What was the purport of that that which we have a right to do—namely, address? Its purport was that all the prowe have a right to speak of the Kingdom vinces which formerly belonged to Poland of Poland as constituted by the Treaty of ought to be re-united under one adminisVienna, and we have a right to speak of tration with the Kingdom of Poland. They its constitution. The Treaty of Vienna professed, that if that request was complied said, "The Duchy of Warsaw," as it was with, they would display the utmost loyalty called, "shall be connected irrevocably to the Emperor of Russia, that they would with the Empire of Russia by its consti- remain faithful to him and to his Crown; but tution." These words, we maintain, must that they did not profess that they would have meant something. If no advantage be satisfied with institutions given to the of constitution was meant to be secured, Kingdom of Poland alone. I am not now it would be quite sufficient to have expressing an opinion whether or not they said, "The Duchy of Warsaw is hence- were justified in that address, or whether forth irrevocably united with Russia." the happiness of the Polish subjects of the What was the meaning of the wordsvague I admit, indefinite I admit, but still of vast signification-"united to the Empire of Russia by its constitution"? We can therefore only advise such institutions as would give to the people of Poland the government of Poland within that Kingdom of Poland constituted by the Treaty of Vienna. But my noble Friends have gone further-a good deal further-than that line of duty which I have thus traced out for Her Majesty's Government. My noble Friend, who presented the Petition from the City (the Earl of Shaftesbury) said that in his opinion we ought to declare that the Kingdom of Poland should hereafter be entirely severed from the Empire of Russia, and should form a separate State. My noble Friend who spoke last (the Earl of Harrowby) considers that Russia has forfeited all title under the Treaty of Vienna, and that we, in the name of the British nation, in the name of this Government, ought to declare that title forfeit. My Lords, I cannot tell you that Her Majesty's Government will take either the one course or the other. With regard to demanding the separation of the Kingdom of Poland from the Empire of Russia, I think there are grave questions which any Government, which any statesman, must ask himself before that deliberation can be concluded in the affirmative. What is to form this Kingdom of Poland? Supposing the Emperor of Russia were to declare, that in his opinion it was desirable to separate the kingdom of Poland from his empire, would the Poles be generally satisfied with those limits which the Treaty of Vienna has laid down? What was the object for which Count Andrew Czartory

Emperor of Russia requires any such measure. I am merely pointing out that the question of the re-erection of a separate Kingdom of Poland is not at once resolved by merely saying that you will have a Kingdom of Poland, but that you would have other and serious questions immediately arising upon that declaration. But there are other questions still. What would be the condition of that kingdom? Is it to have Posen, the Prussian part of Poland? Is it to have Galicia, the Austrian part of Poland ? If you insist upon those junctions, you may depend upon it that Austria and Prussia will be as much opposed to your request as Russia herself. If, on the contrary, they refused that request, or if you say that the new Kingdom of Poland shall consist only of the Polish provinces which are now under the sway of the Empire of Russia, only consider what attempts will be made at Warsaw, to reunite Galicia, Posen, and Dantsic to the Polish Kingdom-how much Austria and Prussia will be interested in defeating these attempts, and what foreign influences may be used to support Poland on the one hand and to repress it on the other, and what a new element of disturbance, instead of peace and happiness, you may cause to be established in Europe. Well, these things are not to be disregarded. Looking at them carefully-looking at them with a desire for the welfare of the Poles indeed, but not indifferent to the future peace and future welfare of Europe-I for one cannot put these considerations out of sight. But, besides these ultimate consequences, my belief is-it may be a mistaken one, as I have said; the events of to-morrow may overturn the foresight of to-day

THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY explained that he had said that the action of the Foreign Minister must be confined within the four corners of the Treaty of Vienna, but that the people of England might take much broader views.

AUGMENTATION OF BENEFICES BILL.

(No. 92.) COMMITTEE.

but my belief is, that in the present | attempts, which in those years passed altemper of the Russian Government, and most unnoticed-could not now be repeated, still more of the Russian people, there even if the present Emperor of Russia is no readiness to consent to that which were the man to repeat them. I ask your would be considered the dismemberment of Lordships, therefore, to rely, first, upon a great empire. There are glorious recol- the prudent course of the Government of lections-there are symbols of pride and this country, and that that which can be power connected with Russia, which may fairly and practicably done will be done by be dissolved, which may be destroyed, but them. I ask you, in the next place, to which would hardly be dissolved or destroy- rely upon that public opinion of Europe ed without a long and sanguinary war. which you may depend the Emperor of Into those hazards, into those dangers, I Russia, autocrat as he may be, will not for one certainly should be very loath to neglect. I ask you to rely also upon the enter; and I think that your Lordships general sense of justice which pervades the and the other House of Parliament, repre- people of this and other countries. I ask senting the people of this country, would you, above all, to rely upon that Heaven be unwilling to incur such hazards unless which will not allow oppression to pass they were forced upon you by the most unpunished, or permit such sufferings much pressing necessity. Well, my Lords, while longer to endure. I speak of these things as reasons why we should proceed cautiously, why we should proceed slowly if necessary, and in conjunction with other Powers, in all that we attempt to do for Poland, I have as much confidence as my noble Friend who presented the City Petition in the ultimate power of the public opinion of Europe. Prince Gortschakoff has spoken of the elements of disturbance and the revolutionary cosmopolites of Europe, and has asked France and England and Austria to repress their activity. Well, my Lords, no doubt as carrion birds are drawn by instinct to the battle-field, so, wherever there is disturbance, the moral and political vultures of Europe will flock to take part in it. But it is not the mere disturbers and revolutionists of Europe who alone have espoused the cause of the Poles in this conflict-it is, I believe, supported by the real and conscientious opinion of Europe. That which has taken place in Poland has been carried by modes of conveyance unknown in former times to all parts of Europe, and the conscience of Europe has been roused by seeing the religion of a people trampled under foot-by seeing its nationality despised-by seeing arbitrary measures dispose of the lives and limbs of the brave youth of a brave and celebrated nation. Ďepend upon it, my Lords, that that public opinion will not be fruitless depend upon it that that public opinion, expressed at the present time by three of the greatest and most powerful monarchies of Europe, will be backed and sustained by every minor State or nation, and wherever men can read, or think, or hear of the woes of Poland. That which took place in 1831 and 1832-the tyrannical

THE LORD CHANCELLOR, in moving that the House go into Committee on this Bill, said he proposed certain alterations in its provisions, which, while they diminish its effect in one direction, would inHe was happy to crease it in another. be able to announce that the Crown assented to an important provision of the Bill, by which the Lord Chancellor was empowered to dispose of one hundred livings beyond those included in the schedule. That was a very large extension of the measure in a most useful and beneficent

direction. If they had the good fortune to sell upon reasonable terms the livings proposed to be dealt with under the measure, he believed that they would ultimately receive a sum of about £700,000 to be applied for the augmentation of the poorer livings within the Church.

House in Committee; Amendments made: The Report thereof to be received on Monday next, and Bill to be printed, as amended. (No. 99.)

House adjourned at a quarter past Seven o'clock, till Monday next, a quarter before Four o'clock.

tleman, I beg to observe that a Notice has been put upon the Paper by the hon. Member for King's County (Mr. Hennessy) to call the attention of the House to the state of Italy this evening; and when the hon. Member shall bring on that Motion, the noble Lord at the head of the Government will be in his place, and will no doubt answer the Question.

MR. HORSMAN gave notice that he would ask the Question again on Monday.

a statement that there had been an increase of trade. He appealed from Mr. Consul Bonham to the President of the Board of Trade. The Trade and Navigation Returns for the year 1862 furnished a detailed statement of the trade at Naples, and at page 9 he found that the import of the only article specified in the Returnswine--had diminished from 332,210 gallons in 1861 to 211,494 gallons in 1862, showing a diminution of over 100,000 gallons. Then as to the exports to Naples, the first item was cotton manufactured piece goods

REGISTRATION OF ASSURANCES (IRE- of all kinds, plain, printed, and coloured.

LAND) BILL.-QUESTION.

MR. BERNAL OSBORNE said, that he

In 1861 the export of these goods to Naples and Sicily amounted to £744,505; in 1862 it had fallen to £436,457; showing a loss of 40 per cent, whereas the loss within the same period upon the exports of cotton manufactured goods to other countries was only 22 per cent. the Then with regard to

wished to ask the Secretary for Ireland whether he intends to proceed with the Registration of Assurances (Ireland) Bill

on Monday?

SIR ROBERT PEEL, in reply, said, Bill stood for Committee on Monday next, and it would be more convenient then to state the course the Government intended to pursue in reference to the measure.

SUPPLY.

Order for Committee read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That Mr. Speaker do now leave the

Chair."

COMMERCE WITH NAPLES.

PAPERS MOVED FOR.

other countries in the world had increased linen manufactures, while the trade with all in 1862 to the extent of 40,000,000 yards, with Naples and Sicily it had fallen from 2,186,621 in 1861 to 1,512,172 yards in 1862. The next item was the trade in iron, bar, angle, bolt, and rod. Mr. Bonham said that there was great difficulty in obtaining correct returns from the Custom House at Naples, but every one who knew the port of Naples and witnessed the crowding and confusion on the quays must know that the trade was improved. But here, instead of that vague assertion, were MR. HENNESSY said, he rose to invite the figures of the Board of Trade; and he the attention of the House to a despatch found that in 1861 the total amount of their from Mr. Consul Bonham that had been trade with Naples and Sicily in the articles laid upon the table relating to their com- he had just mentioned was £107,754, merce with Naples. In that despatch he whereas in 1862 it was only £96,872, was more than once referred to, but he did though with every other country their trade not complain of the Government printing had increased. So with woollen and wora despatch which contained at least a sharp sted manufactures, the amount of their criticism, if not an attack upon himself. trade with Naples and Sicily was in 1861, But he did find fault with them for not £216,845; in 1862, £164,760; though our producing other despatches from Naples, trade had largely increased with all other some of them written by the same gentle- countries. These were the only items man who had written the despatch upon specifically mentioned in the pages of the the table, which showed that he (Mr. Board of Trade Return; but at the end was Hennessy) was right and Mr. Consul Bon- the sum total, being the amount of the deham was wrong in the statements each had ciared value of British and Irish produce respectively made. From time to time and manufactures exported from the United he had called the attention of the House Kingdom to each foreign country, and to the decline of British trade with Naples, from that it appeared that the value of all and especially to the decline in 1862, as our exports to Naples and Sicily in 1861 compared with 1861. It was with that was £2,071,521, while in 1862 it had fallen subject that the despatch of January 23, to £1,321,339, showing a total loss of 1863, dealt, and Mr. Bonham stated that his three-quarters of a million. These data (Mr. Hennessy's) statements were wholly contradicted Mr. Bonham, and they were incorrect and inexplicable. It also contained authentic. In conclusion, for the purpose

of clearing up the matter, he begged leave | national law in bar of any examination of to move for any despatches received by their conduct-they were bound to prove Her Majesty's Government relating to they had acted up to their principles, or Southern Italy, in continuation of the to forfeit that confidence which the people papers which were last year presented to of England had perhaps with too great the House. readiness reposed in them. What had been the course which Her Majesty's Government had pursued in regard to all questions affecting Italy? Everybody conversant with the conduct of the Members of the Government, both in and out of the House, must frankly admit, that while they studiously kept back important information which they possessed, the question of "Italian unity,' "the French occupation of Rome," "the maintenance of the Pope's temporal power;" and kindred subjects had been continually in their mouths. They had not confined themselves to generalities-they had descended to particulars. They had attempted, moreover, to show the precise cause of evil, and a fixed idea seemed to pervade their minds that all the disorders which afflicted Italy were solely due to the French occupation of Rome and the protection of the King of Naples by the Pope. When this question was introduced to the House last year by the hon. and learned Member for Dundalk (Sir George Bowyer), the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the noble Viscount at the head of the Government, followed each other in quick succession, and endeavoured to browbeat those who entertained an opposite view of the question. hon. Gentleman (Mr. Layard) maintained the most extravagant propositions-that the brigands were entirely harboured at Rome; that brigandage was confined to the frontiers of Rome; that there was no brigandage in Calabria, in Otranto, or Bari; that the conscription was popular; that the National Guard was entirely on the side of the Government; that the brigands committed the greatest outrages, while the Piedmontese soldiers were merciful. The Chancellor of the Exchequer followed on the same side, and committed; himself to the statement that "it was marvellous how little cruelty had been proved against the soldiers of Italy;" and finally, the noble Lord at the head of the Government concluded the debate by saying

MR. CAVENDISH BENTINCK,* in seconding the Motion, inquired why the Government refused to produce the despatches referred to by his hon. Friend. The condition of Southern Italy was growing gradually worse, and it was due to the House and to the country that proper information on the subject should be laid before them. He assured the Government that his only wish was to arrive at the truth in this matter. It might be said, in opposition to a discussion of this kind, "What right have we to interfere with the internal affairs of a foreign kingdom? The question of Italy is settled; King Victor Emmanuel is in possession of his own; we have no more right to debate in this House the local administration, or the police system of his kingdom, than the Chamber of Deputies at Turin would have to entertain similar questions affecting England." That was the old worn-out argument. But his answer was that the de facto Government of Italy and Her Majesty's Government were precluded by their acts from stifling discussion upon any such pretexts. Popular sympathy in England had been excited in favour of the new Kingdom of Italy because it was believed that all the ills and wrongs of Italy had proceeded from bad government, which, under Piedmontese rule, would be forthwith redressed. Inspired by this feeling, the English people had unmoved seen many great changes. The disastrous war of 1859-the Treaties of Vienna torn to pieces the dethronement of the Grand Dukes by intrigues-the sad surrender of Savoy and Nice to France-the seizure of the Pope's dominions, and the invasion of Naples, without a pretext for war, or even a declaration of war, thereby establishing a precedent under colour of which the Federal Americans might at any moment invade Canada. These gross infractions of the law of nations were excused because an impression prevailed that the policy of Count Cavour was a panacea for all political disorders, and that peace and contentment were the necessary consequences of its success. The Italian Government then was on its trial. Having attained their present position by violation of all international law, they could not plead inter

The

"I do not want to dwell on the enormities committed by those who were sent from Rome under the sanction of the head of the Roman Catholic religion and of the unhappy and exiled sovereign who lives under the protection of the Pope. I will not go into these atrocities. I will simply say they were such as ought to deter any one from