as we always had done, in the manner in time before between my noble Friend at which we thought fit? He believed the head of the Government and Mr. there was a general dissatisfaction with Adams, and in which my noble Friend is the answer which had been received, and represented to have expressly stated— which left them in a state of uncertainty "That Her Majesty's Government could not as to whether or not they were succumb-permit any interference with any vessel, British ing in a disgraceful manner to apprehen- or foreign, within British waters; that, with resions which had never influenced this coungard to vessels met with at sea, Her Majesty's Government did not mean to dispute the bellitry up to the present time. He, for one, gerent rights of the United States ships of war hoped that he should never see the day in to search them, but that the exercise of that right, which this country would desist from car- and of the right of detention in certain conditions, rying on its affairs, commercial or other must in each case be dealt with according to the circumstances of the case; and that it was not wise, in consequence of the dictation of necessary for him to discuss such matters then, foreign nations or any apprehension what- because they were not in point; but that it would ever. It was the duty of the Government not do for the United States ships of war to to tell the merchants that the law must be harass British commerce on the high seas, under obeyed, instead of authorizing them to pretence of preventing the Confederates from receiving things that are contraband of war." infringe it and relieve them from their That is what my noble Friend stated obligations to observe it. some time before November last; and the House will recollect that on the oc THE SOLICITOR GENERAL:- I should not have said a word, after what has fallen from the noble Lord at the head of the Government, but for the mis- casion of a certain seizure-that of the black list had been issued and that the Adela-when it appeared that a kind of cruisers of the Federal States had thought and carrying them into port for adjudithemselves justified in detaining vessels cation, not on the ground of any reasonable cause was of suspicion discovered in course of a search, but on the ground of information received from this country, no time was lost in intimating that this which Her Majesty's Government could an abuse of belligerent rights to not submit. Was it vindicated by Mr. Nothing of the kind. Seward issued instructions which, if they have been obeyed, will be an answer to the complaints now made. Those instruc Seward? tions were as follows:- Mr. be seized without a search carefully made, so far "That when a visit is made, the vessel is not to as to render it reasonable to believe that she is engaged in carrying contraband of war to the insurgents and to their ports, or otherwise violating the blockade; and that if it shall appear that she so-called neutral port to another, and not bound is actually bound and passing from one friendly or or proceeding to or from a port in the possession of the insurgents, then she cannot lawfully be seized." Mr. Seward then proceeded to give di rections as to what was to be done with mail- bags found on board any vessels which might be seized on any ground of suspicion appearing upon search, the effect of the instruction being that they would not be opened, but would be delivered to the agents of the Government to which they belonged, "upon the understanding that whatever is contraband, or important as evidence concerning the character of a cap tured vessel, will be remitted to the Prize | gan in June last. The Adela was seized, Court, or to the Secretary of State at in precisely the same manner as the PeterWashington." The House, therefore, will hoff and the Dolphin, nine months ago. see that there is no controversy with respect The Peterhoff was seized two or three to principle between the two Governments. months ago. Complaints were made beThe United States do not claim the right fore Easter, and yet the hon. and learned to intercept our trade with Mexico. [An Solicitor General tells us it is not fitting we hon. MEMBER: They have done so.] If should ask the Government whether they they have done so, it is to be presumed, have made up their minds on the subject, of course, that they will not attempt to because they have not had time to ascervindicate or persevere in such a line of tain the facts. I suppose they will have conduct. A few words now upon the cor- ascertained the facts some time within the respondence which has been read to the next five years. The hon. and learned House. Certain British merchants en- Solicitor General has not even so much as gaged in the Mexican trade, which is in given us the slightest intimation relative to the same line with the contraband trade, but the period when the facts of the case may which in itself is perfectly innocent, said, be discovered. There has been ample they were apprehensive that they might opportunity for correspondence with the be exposed to the inconvenience, delay, United States on the subject of the Peterloss, and injury of capture, which in their hoff. We know there has been a correcase would be quite unjustifiable, but for spondence with respect to the Adela. She which a pretext might possibly be found is still before the prize court, but we know in the real or supposed contents of the that our Government, though they have letter-bags. Lord Russell, not at all ad- declared her seizure unjustifiable, have not mitting that any such pretext could justify attempted to exact reparation for the wrong. a capture, saw that loss and injury might But what I wish to impress upon the hon. accrue to individuals from the mere fact of and learned Gentleman is, that while our their being put in such a situation; and as Government are idling and thinking what no guarantee could be given against the they shall do, Mr. Adams is master of the possibility of any such unfounded preten- field. The trade of England is carried on sions on the part of American cruisers, he now by the permits of a foreigner. In the thought it reasonable to relieve them, if City an extra premium of insurance on ships they wished it, from the obligation to trading between English ports and Nassau carry letters. I am not now going into the is taken against the risk of being unjusquestion whether that was or was not a tifiably overhauled by American cruisers. wise course to pursue, though I am quite There is now a direct tax upon British prepared to justify it as a course which was merchants, charged every day, for no considerate on the part of Lord Russell other reason than because Admiral Wilkes towards the persons who had applied to chooses to perform piratical acts upon the him, which involved no departure from the high seas. dignity of this country, and which certainly gave no countenance to the principle which my hon. and learned Friend has given me an opportunity of disclaiming. I thank my hon. and learned Friend for having stated that it appeared to him open to that construction. I am quite sure it did not seem so to the noble Lord; and the fact that it has impressed others in a different manner is a reason why we should be glad to have an opportunity of publicly disclaiming the interpretation which has been put upon that part of the correspondence. LORD ROBERT CECIL: The speech of the hon. and learned Gentleman would be satisfactory to the House if we could say it was founded on facts. What are the facts? These outrages on the British flag are not things of yesterday; they be The hon. and learned Solicitor General has told us that Mr. Seward has repudiated the doctrine which has so justly been denounced to-night. What is the use of Mr. Seward repudiating doctrines one day, if he puts them in practice the next? It is an easy way of conducting the Government of a country, to tell foreign nations you intend to adopt one course, and then to instruct your Admirals to adopt another. Mr. Seward first informs our Envoy that ships trading between two neutral ports will not be touched, and then he sends Admiral Wilkes, already notorious for his outrage upon British vessels, to a station where he carries out the very doctrine which is said to be repudiated. It is therefore of no use for the hon. and learned Gentleman to tell us that he has obtained a verbal repudiation of the doctrine from Mr. Seward, while acts in contravention of it are done every day. A good deal has been said about the Peterhoff, but very little of the Dolphin. The latter was a ship trading between Liverpool and Nassau, and there is evidence to prove that she was honest in her intention, and that her trade was legitimate. She was stopped by an American cruiser. The captain and crew were taken prisoners and carried on board the American man-of-war. Her cargo was broken up by the American seamen, and the British sailors were absolutely turned out destitute at the harbour of St. Thomas. It is under that insult you are now meekly resting. We have just heard a gallant speech from the Solicitor General. I have no doubt from him it is sincere. I was glad to hear doctrines worthy of England propounded by his mouth, but I cannot forget that this is not the first time we have had gallant speeches from the same quarter. Three weeks ago we heard a speech from the hon. and learned Gentleman which we on this side cheered vociferously. Next morning some misgivings arose in my mind, when I saw that the American organs were not very angry with the hon. and learned Gentleman. It occurred to me that his gallant speech might be nothing but a mask for a cringing policy. The hon. and learned Gentleman publicly declared the right of British shipowners to be free from American interference in their own ports, but the moment he had obtained the cheers of the House of Commons, the Foreign Office, at the bidding of Mr. Adams, sent down detectives to do Mr. Adams service in the dockyards and on the quays of Liverpool. I have no doubt that precedent will be followed; I have no doubt that the gallant speech of the Solicitor General, and the assurance of the Under Secretary that British honour is safe in his hands, will be succeeded by an absolute surrender of all the rights which belong to our merchants and shipowners. There can be no doubt, at least, that my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Sheffield has been completely justified for bringing on this discussion, which I think will be useful, because it will show the Government that they cannot trifle with the feelings of the country, We all of us have a deep respect for the noble Lord at the head of the Government, but we know historically he has appeared in two characters. There is the Lord Palmerston of the Russian and Chinese wars, the Lord Palmerston who Lords it over Greece and Brazil; but there is also the Lord Palmerston who introduced the Con. spiracy Bill. We wish to know which of these two characters the noble Lord intends to fill on the present occasion. The country waits anxiously for his decision, and I can assure him the country expects it immediately. MR. OSBORNE: Sir, I do not know what meaning the noble Lord puts upon the word "useful," but I think a more mischievous debate never took place than that which has been raised by the two warlike lawyers who represent Sheffield and Wallingford. In proportion, Sir, as we are treading almost on the living ashes of a war, we are bound to be the more careful in the language we use; and I wish that the noble Lord, who can make valiant speeches too, although he twits others for making them, had shown a little of that better part of valour - discretion. If at such a time as this we are to go on reviewing American institutions, inflaming the American Government, and casting out taunts as to cases in respect to which we have not yet the papers to inform us, I do not see how any Government can prevent our being plunged into a war. Sir, I am no degenerate Englishman, no Member of the Peace party; but as an independent Member of Parliament I do not think I risk the respect or the dignity due to that position by disclaiming altogether the sentiments uttered by my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Sheffield, and asking the House to drop this discussion and proceed to the business into which we ought to have gone long before. We all have confidence in the noble Lord as a a War Minister. Leave the matter in his hands, and do not let us precipitate a question which may assume unusual proportions. MR. PEACOCKE said, he would consent, as the papers were to be produced, to withdraw his Amendment. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn. INCOME TAX ON CHARITIES. SIR HENRY WILLOUGHBY said, he was not about to say a single word on our relations with America; but there was a question of some importance to which he wished to call the attention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The right hon. Gentleman proposed to obtain a portion of his revenue for the year by a tax on charitable institutions. Having been applied to for information by persons connected with some of those bodies, he wished to know in what shape the right hon. Gentleman | a loss, a great and irreparable loss, and proposed to raise that question. The indeed all felt the same as if thay had matter was a serious one to those institutions, many of which were not in a very flourishing state, owing, among other causes, perhaps, to the diversion of the stream of charity to the cotton districts. He was told that the new impost would take yearly no less a sum than £1,500 or £1,600 from the funds of one at least of the larger hospitals. Their case ought, therefore, to be fairly considered. THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER said, that in answering the question of the hon. Baronet he should not enter into any of the particulars to which he had referred, further than to say than an institution which would have to pay £1,500 or £1,600 a year must be in the receipt of between £50,000 and £60,000 annually, and therefore was not entirely without the means of taking some share in the public burdens. His proposal was a proposal which would go in modification of certain clauses of the Income Tax Act, and he had no choice but to raise the question by Bill. He would seek to pass a general Resolution that night, and to have it reported on the following night. If that were done, the Bill would be in the hands of Members and open to the view of the pub. lic on Saturday morning. The hon. Baronet could then gather from the clauses, which would not be very long or very complicated, the nature and effect of the enactments contemplated by the Government, and in Committee or at any subsequent stage of the Bill he would be ready to answer specific questions. Main Question put, and agreed to. SUPPLY-MEMORIAL TO THE LATE PRINCE CONSORT. SUPPLY considered in Committee. (In the Committee.) VISCOUNT PALMERSTON Sir. I rise to move the Resolution of which I have given notice for the grant of £50,000 to Her Majesty towards the expense of erect ing a suitable memorial to the late Prince Consort. We all recollect the effect, the stunning effect produced on the public mind about a year and a half ago by the announcement that the country had lost the late Prince Consort. The event struck a gloom into every household it inspired with deep grief the heart of every subject of Her Majesty. There was no one who was not sensible that the nation had sustained themselves lost some dear friend or near relation. On what that loss was to Her Gracious Majesty I shall not presume to dilate. There are truths which are only weakened by any attempt to enforce them; there are feelings too sacred to allow of any attempt to explain them. It would be a kind of sacrilege to draw aside the veil by which the depth and intensity of those feelings are shrouded from the public gaze. But, Sir, everybody felt-the whole nation felt-that it was an occasion on which it was becoming, that both for the satisfaction of the national sentiment and as a tribute of respect to the Sovereign, some permanent and substantial memorial should be erected to perpetuate the virtues of the great man who had been taken from us. A public subscription was accordingly raised. The late Lord Mayor placed himself at the head of the Committee by which the management of its detail was conducted, and contributions poured in from every part of the country according to the means of those who desired to testify their feelings on the subject. It was from the beginning the intention of Her Majesty's Government not to leave the commemoration of a great national loss simply and entirely to the result of private subscription. It appeared to them fitting, that in addition to anything which might proceed from private impulse, there should be something which, coming from a Vote of Parliament, would be a more completely national tribute to the memory of the Prince whom we had lost. What should be the amount to be proposed to Parliament had evidently to depend upon two things:-First, upon what might be the result of the private contributions; and next, upon what might be the probable cost of such a memorial as might be deemed suitable for the occasion. But no sooner was the subscription begun than the Committee who undertook its management made it publicly known that the selection of the kind and character of the memorial should, as was fitting, be left to the feelings and judgment of the Queen. Well, Sir, various circumstances occurred which diverted into other channels those means which, perhaps, might otherwise have flown into this subscription. That great and magnificent act of public generosity by which the distressed work people of Lancashire have been in a great degree supported took away, probably, much which might otherwise have been devoted to this object. The amount at present contribut- | those who are contemporaries with the ed, I believe, I may state at something be- great man whose merits are to be recordtween £50,000 and £60,000. With a ed; they not only gratify the feelings of view of determining what should be the admiration, love, and affection which are nature and character of the memorial, Her felt by those who raise the memorials, but Majesty requested four eminent persons to they stand as an example to future generaundertake the task of inviting designs, tions, to stimulate them to emulate those and considering and reporting npon them; virtues and high qualities which were posand the Commissioners appointed for this sessed by the person in whose honour the purpose were the Earl of Derby, the memorials are erected. Now, there never Earl of Clarendon, Sir Charles Eastlake, was, perhaps, a person who, in that double and the late Lord Mayor. The Commis- capacity, was more fitted to have his mesioners invited a certain number of archi- mory recorded than the late Prince Contects to send in plans of that which they sort. When a memorial is erected to thought fitting for the occasion. Those some great naval or military commander, plans consisted of two parts. The idea who has lost his life in winning a great which each of the architects endeavoured victory, conducive to the safety and dignity to work out comprised, in the first place, of his country, or when it is erected to a what may be more particularly called a more fortunate commander, whom Provipersonal memorial; and, in the next place, dence has led uninjured through a hundred a building devoted to those pursuits of battles, and who has the happiness to finish science and art in which the late lamented his days in honour and repose, in the midst Prince himself took so great an interest. of a grateful and admiring country-in It was found, however, that those plans either case the example can be followed would have involved an expenditure con- but by few, because the occasions which siderably larger than could be met either present themselves, even in those services, by the subscriptions raised or by that ad- to men to display these great qualities, dition to them which Her Majesty's Go- which have rendered illustrious the name vernment thought might be fairly asked of a hero, happen but seldom. They can from and fairly granted by this House; only happen in war, and it is to be hoped and therefore, upon further and mature such occasions, in any country, and at consideration, the Commissioners have re- any time, may be few. But the high ported that they would recommend to Iler qualities and virtues displayed by the Majesty the abandonment of that portion late Prince Consort were virtues that beof the proposed memorial which was to long to every class of society, from the consist of a hall of science and art, and highest to the lowest, which come into to confine it to that personal part which operation every day of every man's life, was to have formed, as it were, the balance and which no man can say the position or complement to the other. The place in which he is placed does not afford him which has been recommended by the Com- ample and honourable opportunity of carrymissioners to Her Majesty is that part of ing into action. His Royal Highness had Hyde Park which lies between the public qualities of the highest order. He would road to Kensington and the carriage drive have been a distinguished man in whatever through the Park, and that portion of it position of life it might have been his fortune which lies opposite to the ground belonging to be placed. He contributed as much as to the Commissioners of the Exhibition for it was possible for any man to do, in the 1851. That site is one which, in all respects, performance of those various and extensive is suited to the purpose. It will not inter- duties which fell to his lot, to the welfare, fere with any other arrangement, and, from happiness, and prosperity of the country. its position, is calculated to display any- Well, then, I say that upon every principle, thing erected upon it. Now, Sir, in regard whether it be to gratify and satisfy the to the practice of raising monuments as feelings of the country, or whether it be to memorials to great and distinguished men, hold out an example to every man of the I will only say that it is a practice which exercise of those eminent qualities, those has prevailed in all countries and in all forbearing qualities which accompanied the nations. In this country there are many highest talents and the loftiest and most examples of such memorials, and it has honourable ambition on the part of the often and well been said that such memo- late Prince Consort, and which may be rials answer a double purpose-they not practised by any man, and when practised only gratify and satisfy the feelings of constitute the surest means by which to |