those genial and friendly words which none know so well how to utter, might send a message to the United States that would allay much irritation, and would give great confidence to the friends of peace, not only on that side of the Atlantic, but to a vast number who hang upon his utterance in this country. interested apparently in creating ill-feeling towards England. There are two millious of Irishmen in America, and wherever an Irishman plants his foot on any foreign country there stands an enemy of England. I could read to you a speech of old date, delivered by Lord North in this House, in which he lamented that amongst those that were most hostile to England during the Revolutionary War were those emigrants who had gone from Ireland. Well, if there be in that country elements of hostility to England, there may be, and possibly are elements of hostility to America in this country. Why, Sir, a man who is worthy to be a Minister, instead of speaking in this cold and unfriendly tone, ought to know that all the living world and all posterity would judge him and condemn him, if he permitted anything to be undone which he could do, that would preserve the peace between the United States and England. I am not afraid to stand here in defence-not of Mr. Seward's despatches-but in defence of that great claim which the people of the United States have upon the generous forbearance and sympathy of Englishmen. If you had last night looked in the faces of three thousand of the most intelligent of the artisan classes in London, as I did, and heard their cheers, and seen their sympathy for that country for which you appear to care so little, you would imagine that the more forbearing, the more generous, and the more just the conduct of the Government to the United States, the more it would recommend itself to the magnanimous feelings of the people of this country. If the noble Lord at the head of the Government, who is a man of unequalled experience in politics, and who, though he may sometimes drive the coach very near the edge of the precipice, cannot, I should think, intend to drive it over; if the noble Lord, who has now for so long a time administered the affairs of this country, with a greater degree of concurrence in this House than perhaps any Minister ever enjoyed during his recollection-if the noble Lord would now come forward with kindly words and generous acts, in a manly and genial spirit, towards a great and kindred people-he has it in his power to perform services to both nations and to the world at large, not exceeded by any that his warmest admirers say he has rendered during his long political career. This night, by that table, on this floor, the noble Lord in five minutes of MR. LAIRD: Sir, after the discussion that has taken place about the Alabama, I shall not trouble the House with many remarks. I can only say, from all I know and all I have heard, that from the day the vessel was laid down to her completion everything was perfectly straightforward and aboveboard in this country. I also further say that the officers of the Government had every facility afforded them for inspecting the ship during the progress of building. When the officers came to the builders, they were shown the ship; and day after day the Customs officers were on board, as they were when she finally left, and they declared there was nothing wrong. They only left her when the tug left, and they were obliged to declare that she left Liverpool a perfectly legitimate transaction. There is one point which has been lost sight of in this discussion. If a ship without guns and without arms is a dangerous article, surely rifled guns and ammunition of all sorts are equally and even more dangerous. I have referred to the bills of entry in the Custom Houses of London and Liverpool, and I find that there have been vast shipments of implements of war to the Northern States. I find, among those who have been engaged in these transactions, the celebrated house of Baring & Co.; I find also Brown, Shipley, & Co., of Liverpool, and a variety of other names, which I need not more particularly mention, but whose Northern tendencies are well known to this House. If the hon. Member for Birmingham (Mr. Bright), or the hon. Member for Bradford (Mr. W. E. Forster), wishes to ascertain the extent to which the Northern States of America have had supplies of arms from this country, they have only to go to a gentleman who, I am sure, will be ready to afford them every information, and much more readily than he would to me or to any one else calling upon him— the American Consul in Liverpool. Before that gentleman the manifest of every ship is laid, he has to give an American pass to each vessel, and he is consequently able to tell the exact number of rifles which have been shipped from this country for the ་ | We made no such childish fuss about this act of hostility' by a friendly Power, which we could the Alabama, whose departure from England our not prevent, as our friends are now making about Government could not stop." The America was commanded by a Lieutenant Hudson, who-if my information be correct, and I have no doubt that it is was then, or had been just previously, a lieutenant in the American navy; he is the son of a most distinguished officer in the same service, Captain Hudson. I am further informed that some doubts having arisen about the character of this ship, the American men-of-war in the different ports she called at protected her; and on her arrival in Russia, the captain who took her out was, I know, very handsomely rewarded for his services. Now, I will go a step further about the Northern States. In 1861. just after the war broke out, a friend of mine, whom I have known for many years, was over here, and came to me with a view of getting iron-plated vessels of war built in this country for the American Government-the Northern Go United States-information, I doubt not, which would be very generally desired by this House. I have obtained, from the official Custom House Returns, some details of the "sundries" exported from the United Kingdom to the Northern States of America from the 1st of May, 1861, to the 31st of December, 1862. There were:- Muskets, 41,500; rifles, 341,000 gun-flints, 26,500; percussioncaps, 49,982,000; and swords, 2,250. The best information I could obtain leads me to believe that from one-third to a half may be added to these numbers for items which have been shipped to the Northern States as "hardware." I have very good reason for saying that a vessel of 2,000 tons was chartered six weeks ago for the express purpose of taking out a cargo of "hardware" to the United States. The exportation has not ceased yet. From the 1st of January to the 17th of March, 1863, the Customs bills of entry show that 23,870 gun-barrels, 30,802 rifles, and 3,105,800 percussion caps were shipped to the United States-this in addition to the immense quantities of warlike stores Ivernment. Its agents in this country made have already read to the House. So that if the Southern States have got two ships unarmed, unfit for any purpose of warfare -for they procured their armaments somewhere else the Northern States bave been well supplied with the most efficient means of warfare from this country, through the agency of some most influential persons. Now, it has been stated-and by way of comparison treated as matter of complaint -that during the Crimean war the Ame ricans behaved so well. The hon Member for Bradford and the hon. Member for Birmingham both lauded their action as compared with that of our own Govern ment. Now, I have heard that a vessel of war was built for Russia in the United States and actually sailed to Petropaulovski. [Name!"] If hon. Members will allow me, I will go on. And first I propose to read an extract from The Times, written by their correspondent at San Francisco, dated the 29th of January, 1863 "Now, this case of the Alabama illustrates the saying that a certain class should have a good memory. During the Crimean war a man-of-war (called the America, if I remember) was built in America for the Russian Government, and brought out to the Pacific, filled with arms and munitions, by an officer in the United States inquiries, plans and estimates were given to my friend, and transmitted to the Secretary of the American navy. I will read an extract from this gentleman's letter, dated the 30th of July, 1861. It is written from Washington, and states "Since my arrival here I have had frequent interviews with 6 our Department of Naval Affairs,' and am happy to say that the Minister of the navy is inclined to have an iron-plated ship built out of the country. This ship is denite object. I send you herewith a memorandum, signed for a specific purpose to accomplish a defihanded me last evening from the Department, with the request that I would send it to you by steamer's mail of to-morrow, and to ask your imsuch a ship as desired, how soon, and for how mediate reply, stating, if you will agree to build much, with such plans and specifications as you may deem it best to send me." The extract from the memorandum states that the ship is to be finished complete, On the 14th of August, I received another with guns and everything appertaining. letter from the same gentleman, from which the following is an extract :— Secretary of the navy, in which he says, I hope "I have this morning a note from the Assistant your friends will tender for the two iron-plated steamers. After this, the firm with which I was navy. This gentleman took her to Petropaulately connected, having made contracts ovski, where she did service against the allied to a large extent with other persons, stated squadron; and she is still in the Russian navy. that they were not in a position to under. take any orders to be done in so short a time. This was the reply "I sent your last letter, received yesterday, to the Secretary of the navy, who was very desirous to have you build the iron-plated or bomb-proof batteries, and I trust that he may yet decide to have you build one or more of the gunboats." I think, perhaps, in the present state of the law in America, I shall not be asked to give the name of my correspondent; but he is a gentleman of the highest respectability. If any hon. Member wishes, I should have no hesitation in handing the whole correspondence, with the original letters, into the hands of you, Sir, or the First Minister of the Crown, in strict confidence, because there are communications in these letters, respecting the views of the American Government, which I certainly should not divulge, which I have not mentioned or alluded to before. But seeing that the American Government are making so much work about other parties, whom they charge with violating or evading the law, though in reality they have not done so, I think it only fair to state these facts. As I said before, they are facts. I do not feel at liberty to state those points to which I have referred as being of a confidential character; but if any hon. Gentleman feels a doubt regarding the accuracy of what I have stated, I shall feel happy to place the documents in the hands of the Speaker, or of the First Minister of the Crown, when he will see that they substantiate much more than I have stated. I do not wish to occupy the House longer; but I must say this, that to talk of freedom in a land like the Northern States of America is an absurdity. Almost every detective that can be got hold of in this country is employed, and they have spies everywhere. I believe there are spies in my son's works in Birkenhead, and in all the great establishments in the country. A friend of mine had detectives regularly on his track in consequence of some circumstances connected with his vessels. If that be freedom, I think we had better remain in the position in which we now are. In conclusion, I will allude to a remark which was made elsewhere last night -a remark, I presume, applying to me, or to somebody else-which was utterly uncalled for. I have only to say, that I would rather be handed down to posterity as the builder of a dozen Alabamas than as the man who applies himself deliberately to set class against class, and to cry up the institutions of another country which, when they come to be tested, are of no value whatever, and which reduce the very name of liberty to an utter absurdity. SEIZURE OF THE "PETERHOFF.” OBSERVATIONS. un MR. SEYMOUR FITZGERALD desired to call the attention of Her Majesty's Government to a matter in some degree germane to the subject they had been for some hours discussing-the recent capture of the British steam ship Peterhoff. It was seldom that he differed from his hon. Friend the Member for Huntingdon (Mr. T. Baring), but he must certainly confess that there was scarcely a sentence in his speech that night from which he did not differ, and which he had not heard with some regret. So far from viewing the speech of the hon. and learned Gentleman the Solicitor General, in the light in which his hon. Friend the Member for Huntingdon had regarded it, he must confess that a speech in argument more unanswerable, in talent more equalled, and in tone and temper more becoming to the Government he represented and the country to which he belonged, he had never listened to in that House. Apart from the unanswerable speech of his hon. and learned Friend, he could not but think that those who had introduced the question, and who had appeared that night as the advocates of the Government of the United States, must feel that they had taken very little by their Motion. With regard to the speech of the hon. Member for Birming ham (Mr. Bright), he could not help expressing the regret-he might almost say the indignation-with which he had heard the sentiments which fell from his lips. The hon. Member, taking advantage of his posititon in that House and before the public, had uttered words which would go forth with all his authority to the people of the United States. Had the hon. Gentleman forgotten the sufferings of our struggling population in the North when he ventured to say that we had exhibited towards the Northern Sates of America "a cold and unfriendly spirit"? He thought, too, that the hon. Member for Pradford (Mr. W. E. Forster) would regret that he had brought forward the subject; for he thought the hon. Gentleman had succeeded in eliciting from the House a general concurrence of opinion, that Her Majesty's Government had acted strictly within the limits of the law. Anxious as known. The first vessel despatched on this line was a screw steamer called the Gipsy Queen, which performed her voyage to Matamoras and returned in safety. The second vessel was the Peterhoff, the oue which had now been captured. He had looked through all the documents connected with the case, and he was confident in saying that there was no single circumstance connected with the voyage which pointed to anything like a desire to engage in an improper trade. He believed that the hon. Member for the City of London (Mr. Crawford) had carefully examined the manifest of the ship, and would bear him out in saying that there was on board not one package which could by possibility be understood to be of a contraband nature, or other than would form a natural article of commerce between Matamoras and this country. [MR. CRAWFORD: Hear, hear!] The Peterhoff left London with the proper clearances, and, for greater precaution, remained in this country for fifteen days, that she might also get the clearance of the Mexican Consul. She was commanded by a gentleman of considerable reputation-a lieutenant in the Naval Reserve, and who therefore, from his position, was not likely to engage in any contraband enterprise. In due course she arrived in the neighbourhood of St. Thomas's, and was there stopped by the Federal cruiser Alabama-that appeared to be a favourite name, for both the Federals and Confederates had au Alabama-her papers were examined, and endorsed by the Federals with a statement that they were in proper order, and she was then allowed to proceed on her voyage. She went, according to the original intention of her commander, to St. Thomas's and obtained a supply of coal, and was then about to leave the port. Unfortunately for the owners of the Peterhoff, unfortunately he was afraid for the good understanding which ought to subsist between this country and the United States, the principal officer in command at St. Thomas's was a certain Commodore Wilkes, whose name was well known in this country some months ago as being borne by a man who had committed a greater outrage upon the English flag, and done more to embroil the two countries, than any other man living. Just as the Peterhoff left the harbour of St. Thomas, a cruiser called the Vanderbilt was coming in. The commander of the Vanderbilt was immediately instructed by Commodore Wilkes to pursue the Peterhoff. He did so; he captured her, aud we might be to show a spirit of entire neutrality between the contending parties, earnest and sincere as we had shown ourselves in all our efforts to manifest this spirit, the hon. Gentleman's remarks had only elicited the strongest expression of opinion that in this country, at least, the law should be enforced on strict legal evidence, and not upon that suspicion which appeared to be sufficient in the eyes of the United States Government. The hon. Member, too, had been singularly infelicitous in the instances he had brought forward; for he had only shown that an innocent vessel had been detained, at a loss which had fallen on innocent persons. Having made these observations upon the subject which had occupied the House some hours, he would now come to the case of capture to which he had given notice that he intended to call the attention of the House. In speaking of this matter he desired to avoid the use of strong language, although he felt strongly the conduct of the Federal cruisers in this case, for he was sensible of the gravity of the matter; and though he stood there to vindicate the rights of British merchants, and to call upon Her Majesty's Government to take the course which the circumstances rendered necessary, he did not wish, by any language of his, to increase the irritation which would be felt by every class of Her Majesty's subjects when the circumstances of the case became known. This was not the case of a vessel attempting to break the blockade. In such instances, parties knew the risk that they ran for the sake of the great profits which they made if successful; and neither they, nor the commercial classes to which they belonged, had any right to complain if their vessels were seized. The case must be considered upon its own merits. It was now some months since the firm of Pile, Spence, & Co., of the City of London, advertised a line of steamers to run regularly between this country and Matamoras in Mexico, with which port a very valuable trade had long been established. One of the gentlemen, whose property was embarked in the vessel now in question, told him it was just such a venture as he had engaged in every three or four months for the last twenty years. He must here observe that the Mr. Spence, of this firm of Pile, Spence, & Co., was no relation to a very distinguished Mr. Spence of Liverpool, whose tendencies towards the Confederate cause were well brought her into St. Thomas's, whence she held in his hand an instructive Return, was afterwards taken to Key West to be giving some insight as to the result of goadjudicated upon by a prize court. Upon ing before an American prize court at the this statement of facts he did not think that present moment. The Bermuda was seized it was possible to conceive that a greater in April, 1862. She was captured, it was outrage could be committed on the British believed, in British waters, and was taken flag than this. Here was a vessel engaged to Philadelphia. The pleadings ended ou in a lawful trade between two neutral the 16th of August, and the vessel was ports; the Federal officers themselves had only condemned on the 10th of the present declared that no suspicion attached to her; month; an appeal had been entered against there was no doubt that she was bonâ fide the decision, but it could not be heard unpursuing a lawful trade between this coun- til December, 1863; so that when a shiptry and Mexico-and yet, by the orders of owner was told that his remedy was to go Commodore Wilkes, she was captured and before a prize court, it was equivalent to taken to Key West, to be subject to the telling him that he must wait for two years judgment of a prize court. This was not before he got any decision, and then, prothe first case of the kind of which we had bably, he would get a decision absolutely heard, and he was of opinion, that if the contrary to all law and justice. In a country Government had adopted a different line of where the Judges of the land had been arconduct in previous instances from that rested upon the judgment seat for granting a they had taken, we should not have heard writ of Habeas Corpus to American citizens, of this outrage. On several occasions, Bri- he should feel no great confidence that the tish vessels had been captured upon mere law would be justly, impartially, and fearsuspicion, and it had been declared by the lessly administered. He had here the judgFederal officers that they had received ment given in the case of the Adela, which instructions from Washington to spture was a British vessel going from a British these vessels where and whenever they port to a British port. She had nothing might be found, and that irrespective of contraband on board, but she was seized, all consequences they must obey the orders the mails she was carrying for her Majeswhich they had received. He did not ty's Government were broken open, she doubt that such an order was given with was carried into Philadelphia, and there, respect to the Peterhoff, and that Commo- after a length of time, a decision was dore Wilkes, in seizing her wherever she given by the Judge of the prize court. was found, was only acting under the di- This decision was to the effect, that as he rection of his Government. The hon. was credibly informed that both parties inMember for Birmingham (Mr. Bright) a tended to appeal, whatever his judgment short time ago referred with considerable was, although he admitted the absence of asperity to certain captures that had been any proof of intention on the part of the made in neutral waters. There was this vesssel or her owners to run the blockade, additional fact in this case against the yet he decreed her to be lawful prize, and United States Government, that the cap-left the owners to appeal. Now, in the case ture took place in neutral waters. When she was seized in the first instance and let go, she was in neutral waters; and when she was seized by the orders of Commodore Wilkes and sent to Key West, she was in neutral waters. It was often stated, by Members of the Government, that the remedy in such a case was that it must be left to the prize courts of the United States to deal with the matter. Now, he must say that even when prize courts were above suspicion, and there was every certainty that the law would be impartially and fearlessly administered, it could not be any satisfaction to an owner to be told that he must go before a prize court, and that if his vessel were found not to be good prize, she would be released, and some compensation would be made to him. He of vessels to which suspicion attached, was it any answer to say, in the words of Earl Russell, that he had every confidence in the equity and impartiality of the prize courts of the United States, and therefore he must leave the owners to go there, and would not give them the protection which in this case the Government were bound to give? But there were other circumstances which would require particular notice from his hon. Friend the Under Secretary, or from the noble Lord. There were circumstances attaching to this capture which very gravely concerned the conduct of the Government. The papers presented showed that communications must have passed between Her Majesty's Government and the Government of Washington, the nature and character of which must have a very serious |