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Christ alone, and knows that to be clean a man must wash | 7; xvii. 6; xviii. 20-24) is presupposed in the narrahis robes in the blood of the Lamb; nowhere has he made tive.5 a distinction between Gentile and Jewish Christians; in this respect he is even more liberal than Paul, for Paul believes in a continued preference accorded to the people of Israel, while our author knows of no such thing; in his view preference is given only to the martyrs and confessors of the latter days; they alone shall reign with Christ a thousand years; the people of Israel, so far as it has rejected Christ, is to our author simply a synagogue of Satan" (ii. 9; iii. 9). In this respect it clearly appears that the author of the Apocalypse has cast aside all national religious prejudices.2 Accordingly to im Jesus is not the Messiah of the Jews-of this there is no mention in the book-but the Saviour of the work, the Lord of heaven and of earth, the disposer and director of history. The Christology of the Apocalypse nowhere Ebionitic rather it stands midway between that of Paul and that of the Fourth Gospel, and is more elevated than the former: Christ is made almost equal with God and has the same predicates and names as God.

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The Apocalypse teaches us that even in the apostolic age the conceptions of Paulinism and Ebionitism do not explain everything; it is neither Pauline nor Ebionitic. It shows us that at the close of the apostolic age there was a Christianity which was free from the law and universal, and yet continued to adhere to Jewish modes of expression; it shows us that it was possible to think and feel like a Jew in politics, and yet in religious thoughts and feelings to be erical and superior to all earthly limitations. Thee, however, are glaring contradictions which could not Inst. But the fact that in the Apocalypse we possess a document exhibiting these contradictions imparts to the book its high importance. From Paul's epistles we can only learn how a great mind has worked its way from the letter of the law up to freedom; from the Apocalypse we can learn how from the Jewish fusion of religion, nationality, and politics thousands were gradually led upwards to the gospel, and we can further learn that the step from the premises to the conclusion is one of the hardest to take. The author of the Apocalypse has in many points not yet drawn the conclusions.

4

Date and Historical Position.-All impartial scholars are now agreed that in chapters xiii. and xviii. of the Apocalypse we must look for the key to the comprehension of the book as well as to the question of the date of its composition. That the beast (xiii. 1 sq.; xvii. 3 sq.) is the Roman empire, that the seven heads are seven emperors, that the woman (xvii. 3-9) is the city of Rome, that the ten horns (xiii. 1; xvii. 3, 12 sq.) are imperial governors-all this is now beyond dispute. Also it is settled that a Roman emperor will be the antichrist, and that the author abhorred nothing so much as the worship of the emperor. Hence it is very probable, and has been maintained by Mommsen especially on good grounds, that the second beast (xiii. 11) is meant to describe the imperial representatives in the provinces, especially the Roman governors in the Asiatic continent. Finally, almost every one regards the year 64 as the terminus a quo of the composition of the book, inasmuch as the bloody persecution of the Christians in Rome (xiii.

1 Observe that in his brief description of the millenium (ch. xx.) the author neither speaks of the Jewish people nor introduces any grossly material conception. This is the strongest proof that he was not an Ebionite.

Compare also xi. 8, where Jerusalem is called "Sodom and Egypt.

The Christological conceptions and formulas which occur in the book are not always consistent. This is not, however, in itself a proof of interpolation.

Dusterdieck alone regards the ten horns as emperors.

But, while scholars are at one on these points, they still differ on the question of the person of antichrist. The one side affirm that the author regarded Nero returned from the grave as antichrist (so Ewald, Lücke, De Wette, Credner, Reuss, Volckmar, Mommsen, Renan, &c.); the other side deny this (so Weiss, Düsterdieck, Bruston, &c.), and try to identify antichrist either with Domitian or with an emperor not defined. But the grounds on which they combat the former hypothesis are of little moment. That the antichrist of the Apocalypse is Nero returned to life results from the following considerations:(1) In ch. xiii. 3 it is said that one of the heads of the beast received a deadly wound but was afterwards healed to the astonishment of the world. Now if it is settled that the beast is the Roman empire, and that by the heads are designated the emperors, the statement is only applicable to Nero, in whose death it is well known that the people did not believe, many persons expecting that he would return from the East. (2) In xvii. 8, 11 one head is identified with the whole animal, and of the animal it is said that "it was and is not and will come again," meaning that the eighth head is not a new one but one of the seven. From this it necessarily follows that in the author's view the antichrist will be an emperor who has reigned once already and who represents the whole wickedness of the empire (the beast) concentrated and embodied in himself; but this can only be Nero, for of no other emperor was the report current in the empire that he would come again, and no emperor but Nero had instituted a persecution of the Christians. (3) În xiii. 18 it is said that the number of the beast -that is, according to the Hebrew art of Gematria, the sum of the numerical values of the letters of his name is the number of a man, and is 666. Down to 1835 this saying was a riddle which no man could read, though Irenæus (v. 30) had attempted an explanation he thought of Teitan, Evanthes, Lateinos. But in 1835 Fritzsche, Benary, Reuss, and Hitzig discovered simultaneously that the numerical values of the words 7 DP ("Emperor Neron")=100+60 +200+50+200+6+50-666. The old variant 616 must be regarded as a confirmation of this explanation, for 616 is-1 DP (Emperor Nero"). It may certainly appear strange that the calculation is made according to the numerical value of the Hebrew letters, while the book is written in Greek; but, as there is no doubt that the author has thought as a Semite from first to last, it is not surprising that he has set forth his great secret in Hebrew letters (comp. ̓Αρμαγεδών, xvi. 16). (4) Down to the 5th century it was believed by Western Christians that Nero would come again and be the antichrist or his precursor. In the East also this belief can be shown (see the Sibylline oracles) to have still existed in the 2d century.

For these four reasons it is certain that the author of the Apocalypse believed that Nero would come again, and regarded him as the antichrist. He wrote under the impression of the story current in the East that Nero had gone to the Parthians and would return with them to reclaim his empire.

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Hence the Apocalypse was written after the summer of 68 A.D., but the question still remains whether it was written under Galba or Vespasian or Domitian. Most of the scholars who accept the right explanation of the antichrist suppose it to have been written under Galba; the beginning of Vespasian's reign is preferred by Lücke (whose earlier opinion was different), Bleek, Böhmer, and also Düsterdieck and Weiss; Mommsen upholds the later years of Vespasian; but the old tradition of the church

5 The statement of Epiphanius (Hær., li. 12) that the Apocalypse was written under Claudius is untenable.

6 Bruston refers the wounded head to Cesar; but what could have induced the author to mention and put in the foreground an event which had taken place about one hundred years before?

7 See the Carm. Apolog. of Commodian; the commentary of Victorinus on the Apocalypse; Lactantius, De Mort. Persec., 2; Martin of Tours in Sulp. Severus, Dial., ii. 14; Sulp. Sev., Chron., ii. 28, 29, &c.

8 Against Bruston, who supposes that it was written between 64 and 68 A.D., by reckoning the emperors (xvii. 10) from Cæsar, and hence taking the reigning emperor to be Nero. But Bruston is thus compelled to reject the explanation that the returned Nero is the antichrist, and he cannot account for the mention in the Apocalypse of numerous martyrs at Rome.

represents the work as written under Domitian and even towards the close of his reign. This tradition rests on very ancient testimony, that of Irenæus,1 but has met with no approval from critics of the present century; only the traditionalists who reject the historical interpretation accept it. It is the only case in the whole range of the New Testament where criticism assigns to a writing a higher antiquity than is allowed it by tradition. Whether criticism has not been too hasty in setting aside the statement of Irenæus will appear in the sequel.

In support of the supposition that the Apocalypse was written before August 70 A.D., the chief argument adduced is that ch. xi. assumes that Jerusalem and the temple are still uninjured. Mommsen (Röm. Gesch., v. 521) has not succeeded in satisfactorily disposing of this argument. The Apocalypse is cognizant of the flight of the Jewish Christians into the country beyond Jordan towards Pella (ch. xii.); it expects the partial destruction of Jerusalem in the immediate future.2 But this very expectation as well as the confidence that the temple would remain uninjured shows that at that time city and temple were still standing. Hence, as ch. xi. was written before August 70, most critics, assuming that the whole book dates from one and the same time, conclude that it was composed under Galba, that is, between autumn 68 and spring 69. In their view the five emperors who have fallen are Augustus, Tiberius, Claudius, Caligula, and Nero, therefore the reigning emperor is Galba, and the reason why the author does not make antichrist (the returning Nero) immediately succeed Galba is a wish to carry on the number seven, and because“, even a prophet owes some consideration to the powers that be"; but he allows this unknown successor only a short reign, and then comes the returned Nero and the end of the world.4 Lastly, these critics point to the fact that a false Nero appeared immediately after the death of the real Nero (Tacitus, Hist., ii. 8, 9). This position is very strong, but there are two objections to it,-in the first place, it is uncertain whether Galba should be included in the list of emperors at all-so eminent an authority as Mommsen is against including him, and reckons Vespasian as the sixth, and, secondly, the author of the Apocalypse thinks of a false Nero who will ally himself with the Parthians (see ch. ix. and elsewhere). Therefore his false Nero appears not to be that of Tacitus, but the one who in the last years of Vespasian found a following in the Euphrates district and was acknowledged in the reign of Titus by King Artabanus, who prepared to restore him at Rome by force of arms, but was at last surrendered by the Parthians, about 88, to Domitian (so Mommsen; compare PERSIA, vol. xviii. p. 603). On this view the Apocalypse was written about 75-79. Thus we see that we have here two discrepant calculations (autumn 68 to spring 69; about 75-79); each has much in favour of it, but also at least one strong argument against it-against the first calculation there is the argument that the false Nero who best suits the case did not appear till about 75, while against the second calculation there is the argument that according to ch. xi. the destruction of Jerusalem had not yet taken place.5 In these 1 Tren. v. 30, 3: ἡ ἀποκάλυψις οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ χρόνου ἑωράθη, ἀλλὰ σχεδὸν ἐπὶ τῆς ἡμετέρας γενεᾶς, πρὸς τῷ τέλει τῆς Δομιτιανοῦ ἀρχῆς.

2 The three and a half years in xi. 2, xii. 14, xiii. 5 are taken from the Apocalypse of Daniel, and no deeper meaning is to be sought

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circumstances it appears perhaps best to assume that the Apocalypse was written under Galba, that is, that the conception and the first draught of it date from this time, but that the seventeenth chapter was afterwards revised in the last years of the reign of Vespasian, about 75– 79. Now it is to be remembered that Irenæus asserts most explicitly that it was revealed in the last years of Domitian. Such a statement is not to be simply set aside, especially when it seems to make a writing later, and not earlier, and when there is internal evidence that the book underwent revisions. Further exact investigation of the details of the Apocalypse will perhaps supply positive proofs; at present the following can be put forward merely as an hypothesis, for which only a certain probability is claimed:-the Apocalypse was written under Galba, but afterwards underwent revisions under Vespasian, about 75-79, and perhaps in Domitian's reign of terror, about 93-96 (compare what has been said above on the unity and integrity).

Place of Composition-Authorship.—That the Apocalypse was written at some place on the west coast of Asia Minor has never, so far as known to the present writer, been doubted by any critic of note.

7

The tradition of the church ascribes the Apocalypse to the apostle John, and the Tübingen school has felt bound in this case to agree with tradition. Within the last twenty years or so the question has been much complicated by being mixed up with the question of the origin of the Fourth Gospel; all, however, agree that the book was written by a born Jew. At present the following views are maintained: (1) the Gospel and the Apocalypse of John are by the apostle John (Ebrard, Hengstenberg and his school, Hofmann and his school, Kliefoth); (2) the Gospel is by an unknown author, the Apocalypse is by the apostle John (Baur, Schwegler, Köstlin, Hilgenfeld); (3) the Gospel is by the apostle John, the Apocalypse is by a man called John, the otherwise known presbyter, who had no wish to be taken for the apostle (Lücke, Bleek, Ewald, Credner, De Wette, Neander, Reuss, Düsterdieck, Keim, Holtzmann, &c.); (4) the Apocalypse is by another John, one of the apostle's disciples, who afterwards received the tacit approval of the apostle, so that the Revelation passed in the church as a work of the apostle (Renan); (5) the Apocalypse was foisted on the apostle John without his knowledge (Volckmar, &c.). Of these views the first and fourth may be summarily dismissed, the latter because Renan has not brought forward even the shadow of a proof, the former because the differences between the Apocalypse and the Gospel in language and opinions are too great to allow us to suppose that the books are by the same author. It is true that on the other hand both writings have much in common, nay, even that there is a profound affinity between them, but this only proves that their authors lived in the same country, and were to some extent subject to the same intellectual influences. Even Hase, who formerly thought it possible to refer Gospel and Apocalypse to the apostle John (see his work, Die Tübinger Schule, 1855), has renounced this view. But what is to prevent us from ascribing at least the Apocalypse to the apostle 69 and August 70, hence in the beginning of Vespasian's reign, has least to recommend it. Some of the critics who have maintained it are much biased. Thus Düsterdieck regards the sixth emperor (xvii. 10) as Vespasian, the seventh, who is to remain for only a short time, as Titus, and the eighth as Nero. But, as the book was written, according to Düsterdieck, shortly before 70, it follows that

we have here a prophecy which definitely announces certain historical events beforehand.' Thus the claim of the Apocalypse to be an actual prophecy is justified, though only in one verse.

6 So Justin; see Dial. c. Tryph., 81.

7 Some of these scholars also deny that the Gospel is by John. 8 This was observed by Dionysius of Alexandria (in Euseb., H. E., vii. 27).

John? Certainly the external testimony is very good,1 the |
doubts entertained by the Alexandrians, by Eusebius, and
by Byzantine theologians as to the apostolic authorship of
the book have not much weight, the book being little to
their mind, and the substance of the Revelation would in
many respects suit John Boanerges. But the following
considerations speak against the apostle John as author:
(1) the so-called "Alogi" (Epiph., Hær., li.) denied that
the work was by the apostle, and declared that it came
from Corinth and hence was a forgery; but the Alogi
were in Asia Minor about 160 and their negative, if
not their positive, evidence has therefore great weight;2
(2) the author of the Apocalypse does not style himself an
apostle, and nowhere does he designate himself as a per-
sonal disciple of Jesus or as an eye-witness; (3) the
author speaks (xxi. 14) in such an objective way of the
twelve apostles of the Lamb that it is scarcely credible that
he himself belonged to them; (4) the descriptions of
Christ in the Apocalypse are psychologically scarcely intel-
ligible on the assumption that they were written by a per-
sonal disciple of the Lord. On these grounds we must say
that, though not quite impossible, it is very improbable that
the apostle John was the author of the Apocalypse. But
not less improbable is the supposition that the real author
wished to pass for the apostle John and fathered the work
on him. It is true that amongst the Jews apocalypses
were fathered by their authors on famous men; but the
fraud is always very patent. But in this case the name of
John occurs only four times (i. 1, 4, 9; xxii. 8), and in the
whole book there is nothing that reveals the author's
intention to pass for the apostle John. And we have
further to remember that, according to trustworthy evi-
dence, the apostle John was still living at the time in Asia
Minor. It is at least improbable that another dweller in
Asia Minor should have fathered a book on him under his

very eyes.

In these circumstances only one hypothesis seems left -that started by the Alexandrians in order to get rid of the inconvenient authority of the Apocalypse that the book is from the pen of another John in Asia Minor, namely, the presbyter. But, though this hypothesis has had much acceptance in our time, it is far from probable; for-and here Zahn and Renan are right-the existence of a conspicuous presbyter John in distinction from the apostle is very uncertain. The Apocalypse, as the traditional text of the first chapter now runs, is certainly not the work of any ordinary person of the name of John: it is by a John who enjoyed the highest consideration in the churches (see i. 1, 4). If besides the apostle John there was no second John who possessed such authority in Asia Minor in the 1st century, and if it is impossible that the Apocalypse can be the work either of the apostle John or of a literary forger, the only supposition left is that the name of John was interpolated in the last revision (after the death of the apostle John). Observe once more that this name occurs only in the first verses of the first chapter, and in a verse of the last. No hypothesis solves the problem so well as this. Whether originally a different name appeared in i. 9, and how ch. i. gradually arose, are questions into which we cannot enter here. In this difficult subject absolute certainty is unattainable, but the supposition that the Revelation was written by an unknown Christian of Asia Minor, and that the name of John is a later addition

1 Appeal, however, must not be made to the fact that according to tradition the apostle John was banished to Patmos, and that the author of the Apocalypse says of himself (i. 9), “I was in the isle that is called Patmos for the word of God," for the tradition is based on the Apocalypse, and, what is more, on a misunderstanding of it.

From Eusebius, II. E., iii. 28, 1 many have assumed that the Roman presbyter Caius (about 200 A.D.) was of the same opinion as the Alogi, but this is improbable.

in order to ascribe the Revelation to the apostle John, labours under fewer difficulties than any other that has hitherto been started. That, thus introduced, John is not expressly designated as apostle need not surprise us, for at the beginning of the 2d century every one in Asia Minor knew who "John the servant of God" was. The epistles also with the heading "the elder" are meant to be regarded as written by the apostle John, although they do not contain the title apostle.3

Authority in the Church.-The Apocalypse, which as early as the time of Justin and Papias enjoyed a high reputation as the work of the apostle John, was admitted into the canon of the New Testament (see Murat. fragm., Irenæus, Tertullian). In the West it has always been retained in the canon, but in the East it was discredited through Montanism, and the spiritualistic Alexandrians who gave the tone threw more and more doubts upon it, so that towards the end of the 3d century it began to be omitted from the New Testament. For nearly a thousand years the Apocalypse was not recognized by the majority of the Greek Church as a canonical book (and hence it is that we possess so few ancient Greek MSS. of the Apocalypse), but, as no formal condemnation was pronounced against it, the book was never suppressed, and regained its footing towards the end of the Middle Ages, the Greek Church following the example of the Latin. At present the Apocalypse forms part of the New Testament all over Christendom, and rightly so, for it is one of the most instructive documents of early Christianity. Narrow or dogmatic spirits, it is true, will never be able to value it aright, and will therefore either reject it or seek to correct it by false interpretations.

153 sq.

Literature.-Lücke, Versuch einer vollständigen Einleitung in die Offenb. Joh., 2d ed., 1852; comp. the introductions to the New Testament by Reuss, Credner, Bleck-Mangold, Hilgenfeld, Davidson, &c.; Gebhardt, Der Lehrbegriff der Apok., 1873; Renan, Commentaries by Ewald, 1828, 1862; De Wette, 1848, 1862; L'Antechrist, 1873; Mommsen, Röm. Geschichte, v. p. 520 sq. Hengstenberg, 1861, 1863; Ebrard, 1859; Düsterdieck, 1865; Volckmar, 1862; Bleck, 1862; Lange, 1871; Füller, 1874 Neronis Fama, 1846; Weiss, "Apokal. Studien," in Studien und Kliefoth, 1874-75; Bisping, 1876. Schneckenburger, De Falsa Kritiken, 1869, i.; Bruston, Le chiffre 666 et l'hypothèse du retour de Néron, 1880; Boehmer, Verfasser u. Abfassungszeit der joh. Apoc., 1855; Hilgenfeld, "Nero der Antichrist," in Zeitschriftf wissensch. Theol., 1869, iv.; Hildebrandt, "Das röm. Antichristenthum zur Zeit der Offenb. Joh.," in Zeitschr. f. wiss. Theol., 1874, i.; Rönsch, "Gematrisches zu Apoc. xiii. 18," in Zeitschr. f. wiss. Theol., 1873, p. 258 sq.; Tübing. Theol. Quartalschr., 1872, i.; Hausrath in Schenkel's Bibellexicon, i. p. (A. HA.) REVERSION. See REMAINDER. REVIVAL OF LEARNING. See RENAISSANCE. REWAH, the principal native state in Bághelkhand, under the political superintendence of the Bághelkhand and Central India Agencies. It has an area of about 10,000 square miles, and lies between 22° 39′ and 25° 12′ N. lat., and between 80° 46′ and 82° 51' E. long.; it is bounded on the N. by the British districts of Banda, Allahabad, and Mirzapur in the North-Western Provinces; on the E. by Mirzapur district and by native states in Chutia-Nagpur; on the S. by the districts of Chhatisgarh, Mandla, and Jabalpur in the Central Provinces; and on the W. by other native states of Bhágelkhand. Rewah state is divided into two well-defined portions. northern and smaller division is the plateau lying between the Kaimur range of hills and that portion of the Vindhyas 3 The view here put forward as to the author of the Apocalypse is further recommended by its agreement with the general history of early Christian literature in the church. Originally writings derived their authority from the nature of their contents, afterwards from their author. When writings by obscure persons were intended to attract attention, it was necessary to pass them off under the names of celebrities; see Harnack, Die Lehre der 12 Apostel, p. 106 sq.

The

known as Binjh, which overlook the valley of the Ganges. This plateau is for the most part cultivated and well peopled; the soil varies from a rich black loam to a sandy laterite; but in the greater part of this area good land predominates, and rich harvests both of kharif and rabi crops are generally obtained. Water is plentiful, and the country is full of large tanks and reservoirs, which, however, are not used for irrigation purposes; the only system of wet cultivation which has any favour with the villagers is that of bandhs, or mounds of earth raised at the lower ends of sloping fields to retain the rain water for some time after the monsoon rains cease. The Rewah plateau is reported to possess every natural advantage, and the whole of its area could be brought under rich cultivation. The country to the south of the Kaimur Hills comprises by far the largest portion of the state; but here cultivation is restricted to the valley between the hills and the Sone river, and to a few isolated patches in scattered parts of the wild and magnificent forest wastes. Rewah is rich in minerals and forests. Operations lately undertaken to determine the extent of its coal fields have

proved highly successful. Until very recently Rewah possessed no roads to speak of or means of internal communication; but good progress is now being made, and by this means it is anticipated that the state will soon develop its rich resources. The principal river is the Sone, which, receiving the Mahanadi from the south, flows through the state in a north and north-easterly direction into Mirzapur district; another important river is the Tons; but none of the rivers are navigable. The average rainfall at Rewah is about 571⁄2 inches.

The population of the state in 1881 was 1,305,124 (654,182 males, 650,942 females); Hindus in the same year numbered 971,788, Mohammedans 31,107, and aboriginals 302,107. The inhabitants of Rewah are reported to be a singularly simple, pleasant, and well-disposed race, and they greatly appreciate the efforts which are now being made to benefit them. The revenue of the state in 1882-83 amounted to £110,946, of which the land contributed £71,798. The chief town is Rewah, situated in

24° 31′ 30′′ N. lat. and 81° 20' E. long., and containing in 1881 a population of 22,016.

The state came under British influence in 1812, when the first formal treaty was made with Jai Sinh Deo, by which he was acknowledged as ruler of his dominions and was brought under the protection of the British Government. The raja, however, failed to full, his obligations, and a second treaty was made confirming the first and defining more clearly his relations with the British Government. The administration of Rewah is now entirely in the hands of the British owing to the death of the maharaja Raghuraj Sinh and the succession of his infant son.

REYNOLDS, SIR JOSHUA (1723–1792), English portrait-painter, was born at Plympton Earl, in Devonshire, on July 16, 1723. He was educated by his father, a clergyman and the master of the free grammar school of the place, who designed his son for the medical profession. But the boy showed a distinct preference for painting. He was constantly copying the plates in Dryden's Plutarch and Cat's Emblems, and poring over Jonathan Richardson's Treatise on Art. At the age of eight, aided by the instructions in The Jesuit's Perspective, he made a sufficiently correct drawing of the Plympton schoolhouse, which greatly astonished his father. It was at length decided that the lad should devote himself to art, and in October 1741 he proceeded to London to study under Thomas Hudson, a mediocre artist, a native of Devonshire, who was popular in the metropolis as a portrait painter. Reynolds remained with Hudson for only two years, acquiring with uncommon aptitude the technicalities of the craft, and in 1743 he returned to Devonshire, where, settling at Plymouth Dock, he employed himself in portrait painting. By the end of 1744 he was again in London. He was well received by his old master, from whom he appears previously to have parted with some cold

ness on both sides. Hudson introduced him to the artists' club that met in Old Slaughters, St Martin's Lane, and gave him much advice as to his work. Reynolds now painted his portraits of Captain Hamilton, father of the marquis of Abercorn, of Mrs Field, of Alderman Tracey, now in the Plymouth Athenæum, and of the notorious Miss Chudleigh, afterwards duchess of Kingston. To this period, or perhaps to one slightly later, is referable the artist's excellent oval bust portrait of himself, which was included in the Grosvenor Gallery Exhibition of 1884. At Christmas 1746 he was recalled to Plympton to attend the last hours of his father, after whose death he again established himself, now with two of his sisters, at Plymouth Dock, where he painted portraits, and, as he has himself recorded, derived much in tinction from an examination of some works by William Candy of Exeter, whose broad and forcible execution must have been an excellent corrective to the example of ludson's dry and hard method. Meanwhile the pleasant urbanity of manner which distinguished Reynolds throughout life had been winning for him friends. He had made the acquaintance of Lord Edgcumbe, and by him was introduced to Captain (afterwards Viscount Keppel), who was to play an important and helpful part in the career of the young painter. Keppel was soon made aware of Reynolds's artent desire to visit Italy; and, as he had just been appointed to the command of the Mediterranean squadron, he gracefully invited the artist to accompany him in his own ship, the "Centurion." The offer was gladly accepted. While Keppel was conducting his tedious negotiations with the dey of Algier relative to the piracy with which that potentate was charged, Reynolds resided at Port Mahon, the guest of the governor of Minorca, painting portraits of the principal inhaugrats and, in December 1749, he sailed for Leghorn, and thenge, with all eagerness, made his way to Rome.

He has confessed that his first sight of the works of Raphael was a grievous disappointment, and that it required lengthened study before he could appreciate the correctness and grace of the master. By the dignity and imagination of Michelangelo he was deeply impressed; to the end of life the great Florentine remained for Reynolds the supreme figure in art; his name was constantly upon his lips, and, as he had wished, it was the last that he pronounced to the students of the Royal Academy. Of the influence of Correggio, of his sweetness of expression, of his method of chiaroscuro, we find frequent traces in the works of Sir Joshua, especially in his paintings of children; but after all it was from the Venetians that the English painter learned most. His own strongest instincts were towards richness and splendour of colour, and in these qualities he found unsurpassable examples in the productions of Titian and Veronese.

While in Rome he avoided, as far as possible, the temptation to spend his time in copying specific pictures, which he considered "a delusive kind of industry," by which " the student satisfies himself with an appearance of doing something, and falls into the dangerous habit of imitating without selecting." His method of becoming acquainted with the old masters, and of assimilating their excellences, was by diligent examination and comparison, aided by studies of general effect and of individual parts. His knowledge of the Roman art treasures was dearly purchased. While working in the corridors of the Vatican he caught a severe cold, which resulted in the deafness that clung to him for the rest of his life, and rendered necessary the ear-trumpet which he used in conversation.

After a residence of two years in Rome, Reynolds, in the spring of 1752, spent four months in visiting Parma, Florence, Venice, and other important cities of Italy; and, after a brief stay in Devonshire, he established himself as

a portrait painter in St Martin's Lane, London, whence | assiduity, with unfailing tact, he devoted himself to he afterwards removed to Great Newport Street, and finally, in 1760, to Leicester Square, where he continued to paint till his death.

one.

His first reception on his return was hardly a favourable Hudson called to see his productions and told him, "Reynolds, you don't paint so well as when you left England." Ellis, another accepted portrait painter of the time, who had studied under Kneller, exclaimed, "This will never answer. Why, you don't paint in the least like Sir Godfrey,"-adding, as he abruptly left the room, "Shakespeare in poetry, Kneller in painting." The verdict of the public, however, was all on the side of the young innovator. Lord Edgcumbe played the part of the generous patron, and exerted himself to obtain commissions for his protégé, of whose ability the portraits which he now produced-of the duchess of Hamilton, the countess of Coventry, Lord Holderness, and especially of his old friend Keppel-were sufficient guarantee. The artist's painting-room was thronged with the wealth and fashion of London, " with women who wished to be transmitted as angels, and with men who wished to appear as heroes and philosophers"; and he was already afloat upon that tide of prosperity which never ebbed till the day of his death. Various other artists contested with him for popular applause. First the Swiss Liotard had his moment of popularity; and at a later period there was Opie, and the more formidable and sustained rivalry of Gainsborough and of Romney; but in the midst of all, then as now, Reynolds maintained an admitted supremacy. And, if the magic of his brush brought him crowds of sitters, his charm of manner gathered round him numerous friends. During the first year of his residence in London he had made the acquaintance of Dr Johnson, which, diverse as the two men were, became a friendship for life. To him Burke and Goldsmith, Garrick, Sterne, Bishop Percy, and, it seems, Hogarth, were before long added. At the hospitable dinner table of Reynolds such distinguished men enjoyed the freest and most unconstrained companionship, and most of them were members of the "Literary Club," established, at the painter's suggestion, in 1764.

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In 1760 the London world of art was greatly interested by the novel proposal of the Society of Artists to exhibit their works to the public. The hall of the society was at their disposal for the purpose; and in the month of April an exceedingly successful exhibition was opened, the precursor of many that followed. To this display Reynolds contributed four portraits. In 1765 the association obtained a royal charter, and became known as The Incorporated Society of Artists"; but much rivalry and jealousy was occasioned by the management of the various exhibitions, and an influential body of painters withdrew from the society, and proceeded to consider the steps that should be taken in order that their corporate existence might be recognized. They had access to the young king, George III., who promised his patronage and help. In December 1768 the Royal Academy was founded, and Reynolds was elected, by acclamation, its first president, an honour which more than compensated for his failure to obtain the appointment of king's painter, which, the previous year, had been bestowed on Allan Ramsay, a more courtly but more commonplace artist. In a few months the king signified his approval of the election by knighting the new president, and intimating that the queen and himself would honour him with sittings for portraits to be presented to the Academy.

Reynolds was fitted for his new position no less by his urbane and courteous manner and by his wide general culture than by his eminence as an artist. With unwearied

furthering the interests of the new Academy. It was at his suggestion that the annual banquet was instituted. To the specified duties of his post he added the delivery of a presidential address at the distribution of the prizes, and his speeches on these occasions form the well-known "discourses" of Sir Joshua. Expressed as they are with simple elegance and perspicuous directness, these discourses alone would be sufficient to entitle their author to literary distinction; indeed, when they were first delivered, it was thought impossible that they could be the production of a painter, and Johnson and Burke have been credited with their composition, in spite of the specific denials of both, and of Dr Johnson's indignant exclamation-"Sir Joshua, sir, would as soon get me to paint for him as to write for him!"

In the unwearied pursuit of his art, and in the calm enjoyment of his varied friendships, Sir Joshua's life flowed on peacefully and happily enough. He was too prosperous and successful an artist altogether to escape the jealousy of his less fortunate and less capable brethren, and he suffered in this way sometimes, especially from the attacks of Barry, a painter who lived long enough to regret and, so far as he was able, to rectify his fault. In 1784, on the death of Ramsay, Reynolds was appointed painter to the king. Two years previously he had suffered from a paralytic attack; but, after a month of rest, he was able to resume his painting with unabated energy and power. In the summer of 1789 his sight began to fail; he was affected by the gutta serena, but the progress of the malady was gradual, and he continued occasionally to practise his art till about the end of 1790. His last years were embittered by a most unfortunate disagreement with the Royal Academy, relative to the appointment of a professor of perspective. Under the impression that there was a conspiracy against him among the various members, he signified his intention of leaving the presidential chair, a resignation which he was afterwards induced to withdraw, and his final discourse was delivered on the 10th December 1790. He was still able to enjoy the companionship of his friends, and he exerted himself in an effort to raise funds for the erection of a monument in St Paul's to Dr Johnson, who had died in 1784. Towards the end of 1791 it was evident to the friends of Reynolds that he was gradually sinking. For a few months he suffered from extreme depression of spirits, the result of a severe form of liver complaint, and on the 23d February 1792 this great artist and blameless gentleman passed peacefully away.

In the

Reynolds's first discourse deals with the establishment of an academy for the fine arts, and of its value as being a repository of the traditions of the best of bygone practice, of the principles which many artists have spent their lives in ascertaining. second lecture the study of the painter is divided into three stages, in the first of which he is busied with processes and technicalities, with the grammar of art, while in the second he examines what has been done by other artists, and in the last compares these results with nature herself. In the third discourse Reynolds treats of "the great and leading principles of the grand style"; and succeeding addresses are devoted to such subjects as "Moderation," "Taste," Genius," and Sculpture." The fourteenth has an especial interest as containing an appreciative but discriminating notice of Gainsborough, who had died shortly before its delivery; while the concluding discourse is mainly occupied with a panegyric on Michelangelo.

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The other literary works of the president comprise his three and "On the True Idea of Beauty"), his notes to Du Fresnoy's Art essays in The Idler for 1759-60 ("On the Grand Style in Painting," of Painting, his Remarks on the Art of the Low Countries, his brief notes in Johnson's Shakespeare, and two singularly witty and brilliant fragments, imaginary conversations with Johnson, which were never intended by their author for publication, but, found niece, the marchioness of Thomond. among his papers after his death, were given to the world by his

But the literary works of Reynolds, excellent as these are, were

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