however, such hesitation only arises from yeast, and the scarlet dye of the holm-oak, our forgetting how ancient was the inter- were as much the property of the Briton as course to which the hereditary traditions col- of the Roman. Such arts alone imply suffilected by Herodotus go back. It was not cient skill, if accompanied by a prodigal with the sausage-eating Demus of Aristo- command of labour, to raise large masses, phanes that the island priesthood exchanged and to leave tokens, quite as highly finished gifts and oblations, but with the venerable as Stonehenge exhibits, of the graver's skill. fraternities who had presided over the rites It is rather to be regretted that the essayist which even in their decay struck the child- has not appended his authorities; but we hood of Eschylus with awe-with the eld- can trace a sufficient number of them to bear est Delos, with Samothrace, and with Do-out his theory of a respectable insular civilidona. Is there anything in the history of zation. the Church of Rome, for example, which How far that civilization was sacerdotal, should make it a thing incredible for a and how far popular-and whether purely priesthood, confessedly possessing ramifica- indigenous or a mere graft from some immitions throughout Gaul and Britain, to com- grant caste-are questions for more promunicate with kindred bodies in Greece? found or more sanguine inquirers. Neither It is a matter of undoubted history that as have we the slightest wish to over-rate them. late as the time of Strabo some affinity was No sermon has ever impressed us more vivrecognized between the religious rites of idly than the contrast which it was our forSamothrace and of Britain.* We are as- tune to enjoy, in seeing, within two consecutonished that so thorough a scholar as Mr. tive days, Stonehenge and the Crystal PalHerbert should permit himself to sneer at ace. What a stride from Hengist and Ela belief which, if it rest upon insufficient dol to Paxton and Owen Jones! Notwithevidence, is at least in the direction to which standing that the massive character of the such testimonies as we possess uniformly stones leaves an impression of awe while the tend. We indulge in no mere dreams of spectator is within the circle, yet, from the what has been fancifully termed a 'patri- vastness of the surrounding plain, as soon as archal civilization;' but we have no less a he gazes at them from without, they assume shield than the authority of Niebuhr before a dwarfish and unholy aspect, savouring, as us in venturing to assert that there was a it were, of canny Elshie. They neither Pelasgic period, which in the time of Thucy- climb to heaven, nor exhibit that power of dides belonged rather to the antiquarian combination and arrangement of parts which than to the historian. It is difficult to un- attest the ordered and disciplined intellect. derstand how scholars should expect, or why Hence, it was with a sensation of relief that they should desire, to stifle the belief, which we soon saw Salisbury spire rising in the is daily gaining ground, in a career of civil- distance; and in less than four-and-twenty ization extending somewhat longer backward hours, after hearing in that glorious cathethan has been usually written. All that we dral some portion of a ritual more holy than know of Egypt, and all that the wise sus- ever rolled through the misshapen columns pect of India, point in the same direction. of Stonehenge, we stood in the world's temWithout straining unduly the scanty relics ple of concord at London. It was a change we possess of information as to the early almost from a sepulchre to a palace-a vivid state of Britain, we cannot doubt that there exemplification, as we conceived, of the onwere Silburys and Aveburys, which bore ward march of human destiny under no less the same kind of analogy to Argos and Do- than the highest wisdom, and a memento to dona as the British Channel does to the Med-help forward the time when the nations shall iterranean. It is even possible we may our- learn war no more. selves in this paper have deferred too much to prevalent theories on the use of metals, in surrendering Stonehenge. In one of the Essays, placed third at the head of this article, the writer argues that the plough, the harrow, the water-mill, the glass blow-pipe, the chariot, the mixture of soils, the use of ART. II.-1. Le Tre Costituzioni delle Isole 2. The Ionian Islands under British Pro- *Was it not probably an Avebury in ruins which Strabo describes in a field near Marseilles? It was 3. The Patris. Corfù. 1849-51. a circle, he says, of enormous stones in a grassy plain, ascribed by some to physical convulsions, and, as early as the time of Eschylus, connected mythically with the story of Hercules and Geryon.-B. IV., pp. 251-2. ed. Falconer. 4. Parliamentary Papers relating to the Ionian Islands, 1810-1852. OUR elderly readers may possibly remem ber that nearly thirty years ago we plorable of all political conditions, that, made an endeavour (Q. R., vol. xxix.) to namely, of the subjects of a distant repub explain and defend the policy pursued with lic. Strange to say, however, there has regard to the Ionian Islands by the ministry been formed a small knot of disaffected of Lord Liverpool, and by Sir Thomas Ionians, who, in spite of the sad records and Maitland, the first British Lord High Com-traditions of those miserable times which missioner. That cycle of destiny which oc- are so rife in their country, still affect to casionally brings events round again to the sigh for the days of Venetian bondage. same point from which they started, has laid This curious fact appears from the memorial a duty upon us in 1852 similar to that which against Sir Howard Douglas addressed in we discharged to the best of our abilities in 1839 to Lord John Russell (then Colonial 1823. We have now to set forth the un- Minister) by Chevalier Mustoxidi-a docuhappy consequences of a precipitate change ment which for the most part does little of system in 1849. The questions at this more than reproduce the objections urged in moment demanding a practical decision are 1819, with greater show of plausibility, by of unusual interest and complexity. In this Count John Capodistria, against the policy region,, however, the same game, or nearly of Sir Thomas Maitland-but fully answerso, has been played over again so repeated-ed by that officer himself in the following ly, and in such very distant ages, that even year.* M. Mustoxidi ventures on the ashad the inquiry no practical bearing, it sertion that, 'far from being treated as colowould still be worth while, as a mere mat- nies, the Ionians were the equals of all the ter of historical curiosity, to point out the other subjects of the Republic.' Any one manner in which a like combination of at all acquainted with Venetian history events has recurred. knows well that the eastern provinces were Of the seven Ionian Islands it may be always sacrificed to those in Italy, and that safely asserted, without prejudice to the the real state of the Greek islands under mythical fame of Ithaca, that Corcyra, or Venetian sway was one of the grossest Corfu, is the one which in all ages has played tyranny. In each island the executive was the most important part. It cannot, how- composed entirely of natives of Venice, ever, be said to occupy a peculiarly honour- presided over by needy proveditori, sent to able place in the records of any age. The enrich themselves, after the old Roman and seditions of Corcyra have become a by-word the modern Turkish fashion, upon the spoils among the readers of ancient history; and, of the provinces. These officials never unfortunately, both in that and in the sister swerved from the maxims of government isles, the tendency thereto does not seem to laid down by Fra Paolo Sarpi, and which have abated during the lapse of twenty-three are thus epitomized by Daru,— centuries. Three times, at very wide intervals, has this Island found it necessary to 'Dans les colonies se souvenir qu'il n'y a rien abnegate, more or less completely, a politi-suadé qu'ils passeraient sans peine sous le joug de moins sûr que la foi des Grecs. Etre percal independence of which it was incapable, des Turcs, à l'exemple du reste de leur nation. and to place itself under the sovereignty or Les traiter comme des animaux féroces; leur rogprotection of the power which in each of ner les dents et les griffes, les humilier souvent; those respective ages was mistress of the surtout leur ôter les occasions de s'aguerrir. Du seas. Corcyra was constrained to seek pain et le bâton, voilà ce qu'il leur faut: gardons safety from the results of her selfish policy l'humanité pour une meilleure occasion.-Hist. abroad and her internal factions, by throw- de Venise, xxxix. 17.† ing herself into the arms of imperial Athens; In conformance with these amiable preagain, while the drama of old Greece was being reacted in medieval Italy, the same Island was driven to find protection against itself beneath the banner of Venice; again, in these latter times, the mad democracy of the Septinsular republic was gladly exchanged by the Ionians themselves for the iron rule of Russia and France in succession --and finally, for the firm but gentle protectorate of remote Britain. cepts, the Ionians were heavily taxed for the support of the Venetian garrisons and forutterly corrupt; bribery was all powerful; tresses; the administration of justice was the collectors of the revenue calculated their exactions at tenfold the sum which they condescended to pay into the treasury; and open war was waged against a nationality *See Parliamentary Papers of June 22, 1840. It was in A.D. 1386 that Corfu placed her+ The same writer says, xxxix. 14, 'Les colonies self under the sovereignty of Venice; and d'outre mer furent toujours gouvernées avec dureté; the remaining islands of the Ionian Sea suc- leurs fréquentes révoltes en sont la preuve.... Cette cessively fell during the next two centuries s'est modifiée à quelques égards; mais toujours les administration s'est compliquée avec le temps; elle into what we may fairly call the most de-naturels du pays en ont été soigneusement exclus.' * which had endured throughout the vicissi- After divers attempts at constitutiontudes of two thousand years. The tongue making under Russian auspices, the Treaty of Greece sank into the mere patois of the of Tilsit, in 1807, consigned back the islands peasantry; and in a land where religious to a French master. Having tasted the rule and national feeling had become almost of every power on which any shred of the identical, the unchangeable creed and ritual purple of Constantine had descended, they of the Eastern Church was allowed only to were now handed over to the upstart Cæsar linger, under Latin domination, as a form of of the West. Napoleon appears to have tolerated dissent. judged more truly of Ionian capacities for On the fall of Venice, in 1797, the Seven self-government than his Imperial brethren Islands were transferred by the Treaty of of Stamboul and St. Petersburg :-the SepCampo Formio from the eldest to the tinsular Republic at once 'ceased to exist,' youngest of republics. But powers not along with its national flag and national usually found in harmony were willing to treasury, being summarily incorporated with combine against the Goddess of Reason. the French Empire, and occupied by a The allied forces soon expelled the intruders strong military force. M. Mustoxodi finds of the West, and the Muscovite and Moslem it convenient to extol this régime also in predespots united to bestow on the Ionians the ference to English protection; but his asserblessing or curse of republican government tions on this point are abundantly refuted under Turkish vassalage. From 1800 to by Sir H. Douglas. French rule was again 1807 Corfu and the six confederate isles set destined to be short-lived, for in 1809 and out upon a fresh career of liberty, equality, 1810 all the islands, except Corfu and Paxo, and fraternity. The ancient standard of were captured by an English squadron, Corcyræan freedom is best veiled in the de- which was enthusiastically welcomed by the cent obscurity of a learned language; the inhabitants. Paxo fell early in 1814; Corfu new republic soon proved to be at least not itself, garrisoned by 14,000 French soldiers, a whit behind its predecessor in bloodshed and very strongly fortified, remained under and anarchy. Within the short space of strict blockade until the fall of Napoleon in two years all the seven islands were guilty the same year; when one of the first acts of rebellion against their general govern- of the restored Bourbon was to direct its ment, while each separate island had also surrender to the British commander, Generepeatedly risen against its local authorities. ral Sir James Campbell. The Proclamation We long ago described at length the real issued by that officer on his entrance rencharacter of this boasted 'golden age' (if ders the terms of cession tolerably intelliwe are to believe Ionian radicals of the pre-gible :sent day), as set forth by a tolerably trust- 'In order to obviate idle inventions and false worthy witness, M. Naranzi, the envoy sent by the Ionians themselves in 1802 to the posed persons, with the view of disturbing the reports that might be circulated by evil-disRussian Emperor. He was instructed to public mind; and more particularly to explain state that the Ionian people, from their cruel with candour, to all the inhabitants of Corfu, sufferings under self-government, were dis- the full extent of my powers, I publicly anposed to welcome with blind resignation whatever new form of polity might proceed from the hand of Alexander; that they wished it to be the work of that 'admirable of the island. person' himself,-or at any rate of a 'single legislator'-and that it should be supported by an imposing armed force' of Russian soldiers. M. Naranzi was directed to impress on the mind of the Czar 'That the inhabitants of the Seven Islands, who have thus attempted to establish a republican form of government, are neither born free, nor are they instructed in any art of government, nor are they possessed of moderation so as to live peaceably under any government formed by their own countrymen.' * Ελευθέρα Κέρκυρα, χέζ' ὅπου θέλεις. Strabo. † Q. R. vol. xxix. p. 92. See also Sir Howard Douglas's despatch to Lord John Russell, in the Parliamentary Papers referred to above. : nounce and make known, by these presents, late, amend, and alter, inasmuch as the public that I am invested with full powers to regugood may require it, any branch or department Next followed the Treaty of Paris in 1815, whereby the islands of which, be it remembered, England was then in actual military possession-six by right of conquest, and one by surrender from the French-were erected into a 'free and independent State' under the protection of the British Crown.* It may be bold to call Count de Ficquelmont tells us, in his lately published work, that it had been proposed by the English Plenipotentiary at the Congress of Vienna that the Ionian Islands should fall to the share of Austria, along with the other ci-devant possessions of Venice; but that such a course was finally rejected, chiefly through the influence of Count Capodistria with the Emperor of Russia. See Lord Palmerston, L'Angleterre et le Continent, tom. i. p. 411. in question the wisdom of provisions agreed which reduce their freedom and independupon by the combined political sagacity of ence to a mere name. We must also reEngland, Russia, Prussia, and Austria; but member that to grant a free constitution to we must confess that it is not easy to recon- a nation only just emerging from the slavery cile the idea of Ionian independence with a of centuries is the most perilous of experi British protectorate, which all the articles of ments. To thrust liberty upon a people the Treaty subsequent to the first explain which had so recently proclaimed itself pretty distinctly as equivalent to British wholly unprepared for it neither conduces Sovereignty. We can very well understand to the welfare of the recipients nor to the how a certain kind of independence may be reputation of those who grant the boon. combined with a certain kind of protection; We cannot too often repeat the adage that a State may have full independence in its constitutions cannot be made, but must internal concerns, and yet be entirely de- grow; and that political liberty is chiefly pendent in its foreign relations; and such valuable as a means to an end, as the best seems a very natural position for a people security for the higher blessings of civil which possesses a nationality too strong to liberty. It is in vain to introduce the former be merged in any other, and yet has not ready-made among a population which has physical resources enough to enter for itself not yet learned to value the latter. We upon the world-wide stage of international suppose Lord John Russell himself would politics. But the protectorate to be exer- hardly have proposed his last Reform Bill cised by Great Britain over the Ionian State in times when the working of Magna Charta was of a much more intimate character. The was still a doubtful experiment; he would military command of the islands was re- hardly have sought to confer the franchise served exclusively to England;* and the on villeins emancipated but yesterday, or protecting Sovereign was to be represented have advocated the admission of Jews into by a Lord High Commissioner, invested a Parliament which esteemed it a religious with authority to regulate the laws and duty to commit Lollards to the flames. Yet general administration, the forms of sum- legislation of this sort has been of late by moning a constituent Assembly, and its no means an unusual employment, even beproceedings in drawing up a constitutional yond the narrow limits of the Septinsular Charter. The Charter so drawn up was to Republic. be ratified by the protecting Sovereign. * The Islands present a further difficulty. Now it can hardly be denied that what- Nations, to which the names of liberty and ever amount of self-government fell to the constitution are simply meaningless, may islands under a charter so prepared was possibly be brought by a gradual process to simply a free boon from the Crown of be worthy recipients of every political priviGreat Britain. The British arms had won lege enjoyed in England or in Norway. But six, at least, of the islands by fair conquest no condition can be more impracticable than in open war. To grant full political liberty, that of a people who, while entirely unfitted or any approach to it, under such circum- for free institutions, still have perpetually stances might be disinterested and magnani- the names of liberty and constitution on mous; it could not be demanded as a matter their lips. Though a vast progress has been of mere right and justice; and we shall pre- made in their material and moral improvesently see that the expediency of such a ment during the thirty-seven years of Bricourse was more than doubtful. On the tish protection; yet in 1815 the Ionians, in other hand, it is equally clear that a possession held by such a tenure, and not incorporated with the Empire, neither can nor ought to be governed as a colony of England. To reconcile these two requirements *The views of the British Cabinet with regard was no easy task; but we can hardly think to the Treaty of Paris and the Constitution to be esthe dilemma was best solved by proclaim- tablished in the Ionian Islands under its provisions, were clearly set forth in the House of Commons on ing the islands in the first clause of a treaty June 7, 1821, by Mr. Goulburn, then Under Secreto be free and independent,' and in the tary for the Colonies. He denied in toto that the subsequent clauses introducing provisions object or intention was to confer on these states a *In his correspondence with the Colonial Office, Sir Thomas Maitland observed that this provision alone would make it impossible for Great Britain to avoid exercising a control over the Ionian Government; for otherwise she might become bound to support with her military power the crimes or follies of a native executive authority. general, were perhaps not many degrees better suited for self-government than those Orientals who cannot realize the East India perfectly free government, such as that enjoyed by Great Britain. It was by no means fair, therefore, to compare the legal acts of persons in authority in the Ionian Isles with the legal acts of persons in authority in this country. Whatever defects we might see in the Ionian Constitution, it by no means followed that it would be advantageous to the people to transplant thither the pure British Constitution.Hansard. Company as other than an individual Prin-, the Lord High Commissioner, in conjunc cess; but a portion of them cannot be in tion with a legislative Assembly and an the same blissful state of ignorance. Cen-executive Senate elected out of the Assemturies of bondage, culminating in the cor- bly. The President of the Senate is aprupt and debasing tyranny of Venice, have pointed by the Crown of England, and the effectually done their work. We fear that approbation of the representative of that the author of 'Ionian Isles under British Crown is required to give validity to all its Protection' has drawn too favourable a por- proceedings. The Lord High Commissioner, trait of the population. A sterner, but we himself stationed at Corfu, is represented in believe a truer, picture has been given by a each of the other six islands by a British writer in the Times (Sept. 17, 1849):-official, termed Resident, who stands to the 'We took under our ægis,' he says, a peo- local authorities in the same relation as his ple who combined Italian crime with Greek principal to the general government. Each cunning; who were strangers to private local government consists of an elective muhonesty or public virtue; who were re-nicipal council, with a president, bearing the markable for strong passions, dark supersti- title of Regent, appointed by the Senate, tion, ignorance, and laziness.' But in spite and somewhat corresponding to the préfet of all these defects, many Ionians were suffi- of a French department. The Legislative ciently connected with free States to be fa- Assembly, whose ordinary duration was miliar with all the cant of liberalism before fixed at five years, was elected in a highly they had outgrown the needful discipline of ingenious manner. At the expiration of a paternal government. that period, the five Senators and six Re Such an ill-regulated yearning after po-gents became the Primary Council, who litical powers imperfectly understood must formed the nucleus of the new Assembly. of itself vastly increase the difficulties of the These eleven were to draw up a list of fiftylegislator and rulers of such a community. eight persons, called the 'double list,' out For a feeling of this nature can be neither of whom twenty-nine were to be chosen by ignored nor defied; it must drive the law- the electors. These twenty-nine, united giver into granting privileges at once which with the former eleven, composed the Asin his heart he knows had better be delayed sembly-a body, consequently, of forty until the people shall have been schooled members, like the first Constituent Conveninto a capacity, first for local, and then for tion. In case of dissolution, the Primary general self-government. He must grant Council was to consist of the President and something then and there. A cry was senators of the late Parliament-six in all— raised by the followers of Count Capodis- and of five new members appointed by the tria against Sir Thomas Maitland for not Lord High Commissioner out of the late granting enough. Certainly he did not Assembly. It was further provided that no grant all that we have now gained for our- constitutional article could be altered, and selves by the gradual struggle of centuries; no Parliament dissolved, without an order he did not grant all that is found in the from the Sovereign in Council. ephemeral constitutions which we have since Such was the Constitution of Sir Thomas seen rise and fall; but he granted more than Maitland. Nothing is easier than to find the most intelligent Ionians thought desira-fault with it, to speak of it as a pretence for ble. He granted more political liberty than veiling the reality of despotism under a shalwas possessed in 1817 by almost any coun- low guise of liberty, as a mere mockery of try of Europe, except England and France, the free and independent State' established and certainly more than was possessed at that period by many of the English colo nies. by the Treaty of Paris. But we have seen that the whole problem was how to reconcile two opposite necessities, and that the The constitutional charter was promul- amount of civil freedom actually granted gated in 1817, having been unanimously was comparatively very great. The powers adopted by a constituent Assembly com- vested in the Lord High Commissioner posed of forty of the most prominent and were extensive, but they fell short of those influential gentlemen of the several islands. possessed at that epoch by the executive in Of this number, eleven had been appointed nearly every country of Europe; and these by the Lord High Commissioner to consti- were assuredly placed in the hands of a tute the Primary Council'-a Board some-functionary far less likely to abuse them what analogous to the Lords of Articles in than the nominee of any local faction.* And the old Scottish Parliament-while the remaining twenty-nine were elected by their. own countrymen. By the Constitution thus approved, the chief authority was vested in *I deny,' writes General Sir Charles Napier, 'I admit that they were sometimes arbitrary; and I asdeny the tyranny of Maitland and his Residents; I sert that, unless they had been so, the grossest injus |