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Whitelocke appears, from his trial, to have been very undecided and wavering in his conduct, and in that state of mind which reposes on the counsels of others. Towards the

end of the trial, public curiosity was less excited to know its issue, than the interest or means by which general Whitelocke had obtained his important appointment.

General Craufurd, in his evidence, related to the court the following anecdote. The day after he arrived at Monte Video, general Whitelocke proposed to him to walk round the works with him; and in returning through the town, he desired him to notice the peculiar construction of the houses, their flat roofs surrounded by parapet wails, and other circumstances, which, as he observed, rendered them peculiarly favourable for defence, and added, that he certainly would not expose his troops to so unequal a contest, as that in which they would be engaged, if led into so large a town as Buenos Ayres, all the inhabitants of which were prepared for its defence, and the houses of which were similarly constructed to those which he then pointed out to him. In the obvious propriety of general Whitelocke's intentions, general Craufurd most heartily acquiesced. Whitelocke's Trial at Large, p. 116.

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CHAP.

CHAP. XII.

State of Europe after the peace of Tilsit.-War against the Commerce of England.-Decrees of Buonaparte blockading all the Ports of Britain, and the British Dominions, in every part of the Globe.-Enforced with greater and greater rigour.-Effects of these on English Commerce.-Counteracted by British Orders of Council.-General Christophe, the most powerful chief in St. Domingo, a friend to the English—his liberal and wise policy.—Capture of the Dutch Island of Curaçoa.-Transactions in the East Indies.- Consequences of the Massacre, and Insurrection, at Vel lore.-Dundie Khan.-Major-general Dickens.-His unskilfulness, and wanton disregard to the lives of the Officers and Privates under his command.

AFTER the battle of Friedland defence, and that of Jutland, while

and peace of Tilsit, all the continent of Europe lay prostrate before Buonaparte. But the island of Great Britain, mistress of the seas, still defied his power, and threatened to harass his extended coasts with never-ceasing aggres- ́ sion, which she seemed still able to continue by means of the resources opened by her vast commerce. Sweden and Portugal were willing, but not able, to maintain their inde. pendence and Deninark was, above all things, desirous of avoiding the evils of war, either with France, or England, by a strict and rigid observance of that neutrality which had hitherto protected her. But, the open country of Holstein opposed no barriers for its own

its richness and fertility both in. vited and facilitated the entrance of that army, which had hovered long on its frontien-It was against the commerce of England alone, that Buonaparte had now to make war: and as he could not do this at sea, his fleets having been almost anni hilated, he conceived the extravagaut, and almost frantic design of doing it at land, by shutting it out, not only from the ports of France, Italy, and Holland, but from all the ports of Europe.

The idea of opposing power at land to power at sea, and under. mining the naval greatness of England, by excluding her trade from the great inlets of Europe, occurred to the Directory in 1796. In va. '

*It was an attempt, in some measure, to wage war with nature, by disputing the prerogatives of the Ocean.-When the fleet of Xerxes was defeated, and destroyed, or dispersed by the Greeks, under the conduct of Themistocles at Salamis, he lashed the Ocean, inhabited and governed, as he supposed, by gods; and seized on all the treasures of the temple of Jupiter, at Babylon; being offended at the opposition of the god to his schemes of conquest. He melted down the golden images of the deities in the temple, to reimburse him for the expence he had been put to, in an unsuccessful war against Grecce.

† Vol. XL. 1798, HISTORY OF EUROPE. chap. XV. VOL. XLIX.

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rious

rious publications issued by autho. rity, the advantages to be expected from such a system, were represented in glowing colours. But the impression they produced was very feeble, and that confined to the states whom the French government had other means of influencing than reasoning. But on the 3d of July, 1796, a decree was passed, directing all French privateers, and ships of war, to treat the ressels of neutral nations in the same manner, in which the ships of those nations suffered themselves to be treated by the English." This decree was notified to the Americans by the French minister at Philadelphia, 27th of October, in the same year. In consequence of this decree, numerous captures of American vessels were made by the Cruizers of the French republic, and of some, by, those of Spain. On the subject of maritime affairs, the Directory, in January 1798, issued another decree; "That all ships, having for their cargoes, in whole, or in part, any English merchandize, should be held lawful prizes, whoever might be the proprietor of that merchandize; which should be held contraband from the single circumstance of its coming from England, or any of its foreign settlements." It was also enacted, that the harbours of France should be shut against all ships, except in cases of distress, that had so much as touched at any English port; and, to complete the climax of bar. barity, that neutral sailors, found on-board English vessels, should be put to death. The execution of this last decree, was prevented by a declaration on the part of Britain, threatening retaliation.

The numerous French privateers

in consequence of the decrees in their favour, carried their indiscriminate piracies to such a length, as wholly to drive away from the French coasts those neutral vessels which good poliey would have invited and encouraged, in order to raise the value of the produce and merchandize of France, and lower the price of freight and insurance. The French government, taught by experience, the folly of their piratical system, laid down as maxims, that the most extended and unlimited piracy is by no means a genuine source of wealth and prosperity; and that an agricultural state, such as France, rich in phy. sical productions, and various in. dustry, which consumes a great deal, and should export a great deal, is particularly interested in the preservation of all commercial regulations, in their greatest extent and security.

The Directory having represented these things in a memorial, addressed to the legislative body, concluded that it was high time to adopt some marine code, that should be better suited than the present, to the interest and exigencies of the coun. try. They declared it to he their fixed opinion, that, in the present situation of aflairs, the liberty of privateering, instead of being farther encouraged, and extended, should be restrained and modified. This memorial respecting the ma rine trade, was referred by the council of Five Hundred to a select. committee. The subject of it was under consideration, but nothing determined on, when the Directory and legislative councils were superseded at the close of 1799, by the consular government. A matter of such importance did not escape the attention

attention of the first consul. A decree was passed, annulling all former decrees and decisions, respect ing neutral vessels, and restoring the laws and usages of the monarchy, in 1778.-It is probable that, at this time, Buonaparte entertained thoughts of establishing his power, by moderation, justice, and the arts of peace, and conciliating the good will and confidence, both of France, and other nations. But if such were ever his views, they were entirely changed at the period which forms the subject of the present narrative. Every other consideration seems to have been absorbed in that of self-aggrandize. ment, and indeed, of self-preser. vation. He could exist only by war and rapine. He had determined to go on, conquering, and to conquer. By a decree dated at Hamburgh, 11th of November, 1807, and another at Milan, 27th of December, declaring the whole island of Great Britain to be in a state of blockade, he prohibited and compelled all the other contiDental powers, even Portugal for a time, not excepted, to prohibit commerce with any of the dominits of his Britannic majesty. No Pation was allowed to trade with any other country, in any articles growth, produce, or manufac. tures of any of the British dominis, all of which, as well as the island of Great Britain itself, were

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declared to be in a state of blockade. He appointed commercial residents in every trading country. And no ship was to be admitted into any of his ports without a certification of origin, that is, of the nature of the goods they carried, and that no part of these was English. The wants of men, not the less importunate that they were luxurious or artificial, having opened back doors to various English articles, both manufactures, and colonial produce, he enforced the execution of his decrees against English commerce, by means of new regulations, with greater and greater rigour. In consequence of these decrees, the English commerce, during the months of August, September, and October, 1807, that part of the year in which the Berlin decree of November, 1806, was carried into full effect, was not only greatly cramped, but lay prostrated on the ground, and motionless, before a protecting and self-defensive system was interposed by our orders in council.+ An order of council, January 7th, 1807, containing a measure of mild retaliation, had been evaded, and turned to the advantage of the enemy, in carrying on a circuitous trade to this country.t Therefore new orders of council were issued on the 11th, and 21st of November, allowing neutrals to trade with countries not at peace and amity with Great Britain, on the condition of their

* Vol. XIII. 1800. HISTORY OF EUROPE, p. 54, 55.

+ This point was established beyond all possibility of doubt and contradiction,

the speech of James Stephen Esq. in the debate in the house of commons, March 1669, on Mr. Whitbread's motion relative to the late overtures of the Ame141a zoveriunent.

As in the instance of a cargo of wine from Bourdeaux, destined through this stry for Amsterdam. At Amsterdam, insurance was done at 30 per cent. But netrate could be carried ou through this country, at 5 per cent.

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touching

or

touching at the ports of this country, and paying the customs taxes imposed by the British government. The neutrals were thus placed between confiscation and confiscation. If they went to an enemy's port without first paying duty here, they were to be captured by our cruizers: and if they came here and paid the duty, then they would be confiscated if they went to the ports of the enemy. The options were both of them hard. The American government prohi. bited, as far as their authority could have effect, the subjects of the united states from taking either. The French certificates of origin, were devised to prevent British colonial produce from finding a market. Now however, under the operation of these orders, the whole of the colonial produce, French as well as English, being brought to this country, would be so mixed that it would be impossible for the enemy to distinguish the one from the other, and our own colonial produce would no longer be undersold. This was the general spirit or object of the orders of council. It was a kind of compromise be tween belligerent rights, and commercial interests. It was a system that ran into great complexity; order upon order in explanation, was issued respecting various cases. And on the whole, immediately after the orders of council were issued, trade began again to lift up its head, and to flourish: not perhaps so greatly as at its best former period; for the injurious and violent system of the enemy, though counteracted by the orders of council, could not

be wholly fruitless. "Our commerc had been in a state of suspende animation; and to complain now because it was not as flourishing a in its best former period, was jus as reasonable as if a man, rescue from drowning when his vital func tions were suspended, should fin fault with his deliverer next day because he found himself weak and languid, or not so full of life and vigour, as before he fell into the river.*

A treaty of amity had been made by lord Grenville, with America on 31st December, 1806: but it was not ratified by the president of the Congress. For an unauthoris act of force, committed against an American ship of war, spontaneous reparation had been made by Grea Britain. But with this particular case, the American government attempted to connect the general question, respecting the right c searching for British seamen, and deserters; to abandon which, was considered by the British govern ment, as inconsistent with the mari time rights of Britain.

To balance, in some measure, the discouragements arising to our com merce, from the misunderstanding with the united states, which was every day growing wor, a com, mercial and friendly intercourse was established between Great Britain and general Christophe, who having defeated and destroyed the empero Dessalines, governed a great part of the island of St. Domingo, under the more modest title of the presi dent of Hayti. He had been long opposed in arms, by Petion at the head of the Mulattoes. But in the

Mr, Stephen's speech on Mr, Whitbread's motion, &c. p. 31.
Christophe himself was born in St. Domingo, but of African parents.

decisive

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