bjugation of a large portion of its most considerable estates, Prussia found herself still more nearly threatened by that danger which she had vainly hoped to avert by so many sacrifices. She had therefore, at length, been compelled to adopt the resolution of openly resisting this unremitted system of aggrandizement and conquest. But neither this determination, nor the succeeding measures were previously concerted with his majesty nor had any disposition been shewn to offer for those adequate satisfaction aggressions which had placed the two countries in a state of mutual hostility. Yet in this situation his majesty did not hesitate to adopt without delay, such measures as were best calculated to unite their couneils and interests, against the common enemy. The rapid course of the calamities which ensued, opposed iusurmountable difficulties to the execution of this purpose. In the midst of these disastrous events, and under the most trying circumstances, the good faith of his majesty's allies had remained unshaken. The conduct of the king of Sweden had been distinguished by the most honourable firmness. Between his majesty and the emperor of Russia, the happiest amity subsisted. It had been cemented by reciprocal proofs of good faith and confidence. The speech proceeded to declare, the necessity of public burthens; to recommend as great economy as was consistent with those efforts which it was necessary to make against the formidable and increasing power of the enemy; to declare his majesty's satisfaction, in witnessing an increasing energy and frmness, on the part of his people; in the unconquerable valour and discipline of his fleets, and armies ; the unimpaired sources of our prosperity and strength; and the unity in sentiment and action of the British nation. The conclusion of the whole was, "with these advantages, and with an humble reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, his majesty is prepared to meet the exigencies of this great crisis; assured of receiving the fullest support from the wisdom of your deliberations, and from the tried affection, loyalty, and public spirit, of his brave people. In An address, in answer to the speech from the throne, was moved in the house of peers, by the earl of Jersey. It was the first time of his addressing their lordships. adverting to the topics of his majesty's speech, the first to be noticed was, the negotiation between this country and France. As the papers respecting this subject, would shortly be laid on their lordship's table, it would not now be necessary to enter into any detailed discussion respecting the progress and result of the negotiation. It must however be evident to their lordships, from what had transpired, that it had been broken off in consequence of the imperious conduct and exorbitant demands of France. If the French government would not consent to treat on equal terms, the fault was theirs. We had deeply to lament the heavy calamities which had fallen upon Prussia. But at the same time, it was no small satisfaction to us, that the councils of Prussia had not been precipitated into rash measures, by the instigation, or advice of this country. It was scarcely possible to find in all history, 1 gistory, an instance of a great pow. er so totally overthrown, we might almost say annihilated, in the course of a few days. Prussia, which had made sacrifice after sacrifice to France, apparently with a view of averting war, at length rushed precipitately into hostilities, and met with an unexampled fate: an awful lesson to other states. It was, however, a source of great satisfaction that this country, when Prussia actually made an effort against the common enemy, did not hesitate, immediately to step forward, to afford her every assistance that circumstance would admit. The king of Sweden had displayed a firmness and energy, which conferred the highest honour on that monarch. The contemplation of the conduct of our faithful ally, Russia, and particularly her refusal to ratify the rash and inconsiderate act of her ministers at Paris, had also afforded the utmost satisfaction. It was true we had, in the course of a twelvemonth, lost two men of pre-eminent talents. But there was still ability left, amply sufficient to direct the energies of the country. The valour which had continued to be displayed by his majesty's fleets and armies, was an undoubted pledge of our superiority. With all these advantages, and with the great sources of our prosperity and strength unimpaired, we might look forward with confidence to the result. Relying upon ourselves, and united in sentiment and in action, we might set our enemy at defiance, and finally, he trusted, bring this great contest to a successful and glorious issue. The noble earl concluded with moving, "that an humble address be presented to his ma jesty. This address, as usual, was an echo of his majesty's speech. VOL. XLIX. The address was lord Somers, exactly in the same train of observation, and strain of sentiment, re-echoing. strating, and confirming, what had been advanced in the speech from the throne. Lord Hawkesbury, while he disclaimed all party-spirit, and heartily concurred in every general senti ment expressed in the address, could not let it pass without offering some observations on the speech which had occasioned it. The first point on which he should observe, was one not openly mentioned in the speech, but only alluded to, namely, the dissolution of parliament. He admitted the king's power to dissolve parliament, in its fullest extent and plenitude. If it were possible that parliament could acquire legal permanence for ever so short a time, independent of the crown, there would be no security for the monarchy. But this, like every other part of the prerogative, should ficulty, the fair mode would have seen, not to dissolve parliament, but to have submitted to the existing parliament, the whole grounds of the negotiation. Mr. Wind ham, who was the last person in the world he should suppose capable of deceit, in an address which was published, told the county of Norfolk, that as far as he knew, there was no intention of dissolving parliament; and a proclamation appeared, in which a day was fixed for the meeting of parliament for the dispatch of busine: and yet, notwithstanding these repeated assurances, a dissolution was announced, to the surprise and astonishment of the whole kingdon. He would not accuse ministers of any intention to deceive the country, but the dissolution certainly had the effect of surprising it. With respect to the disasters of Prussia, lord Hawkesbury admitted, with the noble lords who had moved and seconded the motion for the address, that they had risen wholly from the narrow policy within which she had encircled herself. Flad his Prussian majesty, or those who advised him, consulted history, they would have discovered, that they who lent their aid to have others devoured, would be at last devoured themselves. He approved of the proceedings which had been adopted towards Prussia, in consequence of her unjust aggression of Hanover, and the measures fo which she submitted against the commerce of this country. He approved also of the manner in which we suspended our particular quarrel when she was on the point of being involved in a contest with France, although he could not account for the delay which took place in communicating with her. It was not until the beginning of October, when hostilities were on the eve of commencing, that mini. sters had endeavoured to open a communication with Prussia. But, by this time, events had occurred which prevented the noble lord Morpeth from fulfilling his important mission. They had afterwards sent out a military mission, at the head of which, was a noble lord, Hutchinson, a member of that house. But this was not till three weeks after the return of his predecessor, at a time when it was uncertain whether this expensive military mission would be able to discover the Prussian head-quarters, or, even a port to land in. Lord Hawkesbury in the course of his speech, introduced some strictures on the military measures of ministry, to which replies were made by lord Grenville. But, as these became afterwards subjects of formal discussions, it would be improper to notice them in this part of our narrative,-which aims not to give an account of all that was said in parliament, which would swell this ar. ticle altogether beyond bounds, by which it should be limited in the history of Europe; but to relate the principal proceedings in parliament, and state the grounds on which these were founded.-Lord Hawkesbury, in conclusion, assented to the address, because it did not pledge their lordships to any of those points which might possibly Even the most succinct account of our most important debates in parliament that can be given, may at first sight appear to take up more than a just portion in such a history. But let it be recollected, that this is the only council that discusses with freedom the great affers; the only mirror that reflects with any tolerable degree of truth the transactions of Europe. become become the subjects of future in noble example of the vigour of a quiry. It was on this ground that lord Grenville asked their lordship's support to the address. As to the question whether his majesty had been well or ill advised in dissolving the last parliament, sacred as he held every prerogative of the crown, he considered his majesty's servants as answerable for the advice which they give his majesty for the exer. cise, or abstaining from the exercise, of every one of them. In no case cid he conceive the exercise of this undoubted prerogative to have been more wise, more salutary, or more attentive, on the part of his majesty, to the feelings of his people than the dissolution which had lately taken place. When a negotiation, by which his majesty's endeavours to restore the blessings of peace, not merely to the people of Great Britain, but to the nations of Europe, had failed of success, it was surely a wise measure in his majesty, to appeal to the sense of his people, to refer to them the conduct of his servants, and thereby to call upon them to pronounce, in the eyes of the world, their sense as to the farther prosecution of the contest. From the exercise of the royal prerogative in calling a new parliament on the late occasion, the empire had gained this great and important advantage, that the degree of unanimity which had been manifested by the people from one end of the united kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland to the other, on the subject of the war, on the necessity of vigorous exertions, and the determination to persevere in the struggle, had given strength, confidence, and spirit to the govern. ment, and exhibited to the world a people who understand the blessings of independence, and who are resol ved to maintain it. With regard to what had fallen from lord Hawkesbury respecting Prussia, lord Grenville assured him, that he was very much misinformed, if he supposed that previously to the mission of lord Morpeth, there existed any means of communication between that and this country. From the moment of his majesty's declaration against Prussia until lord Morpeth proceeded to the continent, there did not remain for his majesty's government any means of communicating, or of acting in concert with Prussia. At the same time, had there been any disposition in the court of Berlin to communicate with this country, means were not wanting for that purpose, on their part. The Prussian minister having been encouraged to stay until the end of August, was recalled by his court, purposely that there might not be, through him, any further communica tion. The plain fact was, that Prussia had gone on from year to year, from month to month, and at last from week to week, under the same illu sion as to her safety from France, and still pursuing the same selfish policy, until she found that she was placed in a situation of the most imminent danger. Then she dis played as much precipitancy as she had before evinced of indifference to the fall of Europe, and acted with that want of caution and foresight that had brought on all her disasters. If lord Grenville stated all this respecting Prussia, it was not for the purpose of reproaching that power, nor for drawing a parallel between her conduct and that of other countries. But, as observations had been D 2 made ade on this subject for the purpose of withdrawing the confidence of the people of this country from his majesty's ministers, it became a duty he owed to his own character, and that of those with whom he acted, to throw off all disguise, and to avoid those imputations which concealment only could sanction. At the first moment when there appeared any serious disposition in Prussia to co-operate with Russia against the common enemy, his majesty's ministers thought it their duty to shew that this country would not be wanting in fidelity to its ally, or in any efforts that might advantageous. ly be made for the safety of Europe. It had been asked, why lord Morpeth was not sent ou his mission until October; or, if it was right not to send him until that time, why did he not remain? Why did he return in November? Why he was not sent until October, he had already sufficiently explained. And as to the of his return, he asked why he ought to have remained? The king of Prussia did not remain; his army did not remain. Was it thought that lord Morpeth ought, merely for the glory of the affair, to have remained on the field of battle ?The fact, however, was, that not only before the battle of Jena, but even after it, lord Morpeth found it impossible to get any satisfactory answer from the king of Prussia, or his ministers, on the subject of his mission. reason Lord Hawkesbury begged leave to observe, that not a word had fallen from him in the least disrespectful to lord Morpeth, of whose merits he entertained the highest opinion. The question being put on the motion for an address, it was carried nem, diss, and a committee was T appointed to prepare and bring in th pa |