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tion of Buonaparte himself.
that ambassador so appointed, ar-
rived at Paris, did his arrival serve
to betray, or did he himself intimate
to lord Lauderdale, who was then
there, any change of disposition on
the part of Prussia towards France?
No, not in the least. In fact, the first
communication that ministry re-
ceived, as to the intentions of Prus-
sia, was in a letter from Mr. Thornton,
our resident at Hamburgh, inclosing
a letter from baron Jacobi, expres-
sive of the baron's wish to come to
this country, in any character,
(sous un caractére quel conque) in
order to treat with us upon the dif-
ferences subsisting between the two
courts, and upon other matters of
importance.

Immediate measures were taken
to facilitate the journey of baron
Jacobi, whose proposals to this
country, after all, turned out to be
quite unsatisfactory. Nor did he
reach Hamburgh until the first of
October, nor arrive in London un-
til the tenth, nor communicate his pro-
positions to his majesty's ministers
until the 11th; and it would be re-
collected that the battle of Jena was
fought on the 14th. Still more un.
accountable was the course pursued
by Prussia with regard to Russia,
her ally, who was pledged by treaty
to assist her. The resolution of the
court of Berlin, actually to com-
mence hostilities against France,
was first communicated to the Russian
government by count Kreusemark,
who was dispatched with that intel-
ligence to St. Petersburgh, which he
did not reach until the 30th of Sep-
tember. The moment the tidings
were conveyed to the magnanimous
sovereign of Russia, orders were is.
sued to set the troops in motion, and
on the 5th of October an army was

marched off under general Bennigsen. Such was the procrastination of Prussia even towards a court with whom she had no differences to adjust, from whom she had a right to call for immediate aid, and such was the course that rendered not only this country, but Russia, unable to afford her any effectual assistance.

Mr. Canning had observed, “That in the speech from the throne all notice of war seemed studiously to have been passed over, though some debts of gratitude remained to be paid.

To the records

of parliament the historian looked for his materials. It was cruel to deprive the hero of the honourable reward of his military achievements, and it was disgraceful that govern. ment should dislike to sprinkle over the gloom of despondency with some of those achievements. It was true, they might say that those achieve. ments were not of their planning. But this was a period when party feelings should not withhold a glorious incitement to great actions," it will be seen from Mr. Canning's address, proposed in the room of that moved for by Mr. Lamb, that he alluded particularly to the "Expedition under sir Home Popham and general Beresford, against the Spanish settlement of Buenos Ayres," and "to the brilliant victory obtained on the plains of Maida,by his majesty's landforces under the gallant and able conduct of sir John Stuart over a French army, superior in numbers."

In answer to these remarks by Mr. Canning, lord Howick said, "It cannot be affirmed that we think lightly, or wish to speak lightly of the services performed by sir John Nobody views them in a Stuart. higher light than I do, nor feels more proudly as an Englishman, at

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the

the glorious event of the battle of Maila. But, if the honourable gentleman had had but the patience to wait for a few hours longer, he would have probably heard from my right honourable friend, Mr. Windham, a notice of a motion for returning thanks to sir John Stuart, and those officers who distinguished themselves in that action. As to

sir H. Popham and sir David Baird, I freely confess that I was one of those who advised their recall, and this upon the ground that they did without orders, and upon their own judgment and responsibility, undertake the expedition to South America. In prosecution of their scheme they did not even leave a single ship of the line to protect the Cape of GoodHope. They even obliged a frigate that was sent out to India with money for the payment of the troops there, to desert the destination that it was intended for, and go upon this South-American expedition. Such conduct as this I consider to be highly reprehensible, and were it to be overlooked, there would be an end to all discipline and subordination. I do not wish to dwell upon the misconduct of men in their absence;

but there is one act of sir H. Popham's which I cannot hesitate to censure as particularly improper, and that is, his letter to the manu facturers *. What his motives were for such conduct, I cannot say. Perhaps he wanted to court some favour and protection against the censure which he must be conscious of deserving from government. Perhaps these letters, courting mer. cantile gratitude, while offending against professional duty, was one of the fatal effects to be apprehended from that mischievous system of rewards administered by the committee at Lloyd's, called the Patriotic Fund +; a committee which is held out to the navy, as giving greater rewards and encouragement than the government of the country. If such conduct as this appears to be, could not only be justified but approved of, it would then follow, that all our military governors in the West-Indies, in Gibraltar, and in every other part of the world, might totally disregard the instructions they should receive from government, and turn their whole forces wherever their private opinions, or their private interests might point. Lord Castlereagh complimented

Sir Home Popham, on the reduction of Buenos Ayres in June 1806, wrote circular letters to the merchants of London, Liverpool, Bristol, Birmingham, Manchester, and Glasgow, representing the most abundant market that had been opened, by the acquisition of this place, to the British commerce and manufactures; the various articles that were wanted by the countries watered by the Rio de la Plata, and others with which these had communication ; and the articles that all those countries would give in return. In short, he appeared in the character of a minister of state at the head of the government, giving a new direction to the commerce of the country. He was tied and reprimanded for disobedience to orders.

It possesses the grand means of making a formidable opposition to government,money. Its funds now amount to more than a quarter of a mullion of money. It has, upon its pension list, great numbers of officers, soldiers, and sailors. It grants pensions superior to those coming to persons in similar cases from the crown. It has no orders to give ; no duties to impose; no obedience to exact: all which are thrown upon the government, while the confederation has nothing but the amiable office of rewarding and honouring. Cobbett's Polit. Reg. Jan. 24, 1897.

lord

lord Howick, on the great eloquence and very considerable talents he had displayed in vindication of himself and the rest of his majesty's ministers. After agreeing with him that the proper time for considering the important question of negotiation with France, was, when the whole of the correspondence should be laid before the house, he proceeded to make some preliminary remarks on the noble lord's reply, and comments on his right honourable friend's amendment to the address; undertaking afterwards to shew the fallacy of the noble lord's reasoning on many of the general points contained in his speech. The amendment, he said, was founded on facts, not on opinions or assertions. The 'noble lord had taken credit to himself and his friends, for having uniformly acted, when in opposition, from principle, and not from a spirit of teazing and harassing government unnecessarily. He could also assure the house, that both himself and those who had acted with him on the same side, when influenced by no motive in their op, position, but public principle.

With respect to the discharge of public duty, there was no comparison between the last and the present opposition, who felt it to be their duty to watch and revise the acts of ministers, in order to call them to an account. Whereas, the noble lord must recollect that he and his friends had turned their backs on parliament, and neglected all pub. fie concerns in the hour of distress and peril. They had seceded and abandoned the cause of the country, and the trust reposed in them by their constituents.

Lord Castlereagh now proceeded

to call the attention of the house to some prominent points of the negotiation which was the main question. He felt much anxiety respecting many circumstances, connected with this and arising out of it. He trusted that ministers would be able, when the papers should be produced, to remove it. He was apprehensive, however, that, in their discussions in the protracted course of negotiation, miuisters had deluded both themselves and Europe. It necessarily followed, that the powers of the conti nent had their attention fixed on the progress of a negotiation which lasted eight months. And what must naturally have been the result, but that their disposition to co-operate against France might have induced Russia to enter into to enter into a negotiation. with the French government? It might have even led Prussia to make a premature demonstration of hosti lity against France, in order to assure both England and Russia, that the cabinet of Berlin was determined to submit no longer to the humiliation and insults of the enemy. These circumstances, and many more, arising from a negotiation continued for eight months, rendered the produc tion of all papers on the subject highly necessary.

From the conduct of ministers during the negotiation, it appeared as if they had considered peaee as certain. If they had not supposed that they were sure of peace, was it possible that during a discussion of eight months, they should have given up all their military plans, and the whole system of internal defence and security? Upon what other ground was the General Training act in a great measure suspended? Why was the instruction for regulating the

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circumstances of the case they should either have recalled general Beresford, or sent out a re-inforcement immediately. They had left that

valuable capture four months without any re-inforcement, and if the gallant officer commanding at the Cape had not detached some of his troops, it would be impossible to tell the consequence.

Nor was it in leaving Buenos Ayres near four months without re. inforcements, only, that the negli gence and inattention of his majesty's ministers to the scenes passing in that part of the world were to be seen. There was another, and a very interesting part of South America, where a little timely assistance on the part of the British government to the operations of general Miranda*

A variety of circumstances concurred to expand the mind, and raise the views of Miranda to the emancipation of South America, his native country; and a life devoted from his early years to arms, and the acquisition of all manner of knowledge, both by study and travels, formed his mind for taking the lead in the attempt. A commercial and defensive alliance between any great naval power on our side of the globe, and South America, a country far surpassing the whole of Europe in extent, and still more in natural fertility, presented such incalculable advantages to such a power, that general Miranda kept a constant eye on such an alliance as the great engine for effecting his magnificent object;-magnificent, but not difficult to be accomplished, if men could be roused from the torpor of habit, and disentangled from the dark intricacies of a narrow, intriguing, short-sighted, and fluctuating policy; nay, and easy to be accomplished, even in proportion to its sublimity, inasmuch as its accomplishment would rest, not on the various, clashing, and inscrutable views of individuals, but on a reciprocity of wants and superfluities,—on the natural passions of all men, and the great laws and prerogatives of nature.

The most natural ally of South America was Great Britain. A proposal was made by general Miranda to Mr. Pitt in 1797, for an alliance between Britain and South Anierica. Of the sundry articles, eleven in number, we are restrained by our himit from specifying more than the following: That South America would pay to Great Britain for assistance, thirty millions sterling.-That there should be a treaty of commerce between Great Britain and South America-That a communication should be opened between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans; and that the freedom of these communications should be guarantied to Great Britain.

Mr. Pitt entered with promptitude into the plan of Miranda. A change of politics in Europe altered the views of Mr. Pitt relative to South America. Succeeding changes recalled and recommanded the project of Miranda. Farther changes damped and suspended their execution. As this is a subject most interesting and Consolatory to Great Britain, we refer our readers for the principal facts authenticated, relating to it, to a pamphlet intitled " Additional reason for our immediately emancipating Spanish America." By William Burke. Ridgway, 1808; to the Edinburgh Review, No XXVI. January, 1809; and to the Monthly Review for March, 1809, Article X,

might

might have produced the most important advantages to this country. We had sufficient force in the West Indies to have assisted general Miranda; but our naval and military British commanding officers in that part of the world, could not venture to stir, for want of instructions from government. He did not mean to discuss, at that time, the policy of forwarding the general's great project. This was a subject that required as well as merited consideration. But why had not ministers decided in one way or other on a question obviously interesting in so high a degree to the British empire? so far was government from coming to any fixed determination on this point, that our commanders were obliged constantly to reply to the applications made to them for support, that they would write home for instructions.-At last a few light armed vessels were sent to convoy the expedition under general Miranda. Lord Castlereagh thought the amendment of his right honourable friend a perfectly manly mode of telling ministers wherein their conduct was liable to objection. It was very different from the conduct of opposition for the last fifteen years; for those gentlemen, not choosing to commit their sentiments to writing, always dealt in general

censure.

The original motion on the address was then put and carried, nem. con. Lord Howick then rose and said, that he hoped to be able to lay the papers relative to the negotiation before the house on Monday next.

Mr. Windham gave notice, that on Monday next, also, he should move the thanks of the house to sir John Stuart, and the officers and men who had fought under him at the glorious battle of Maida.

On that day, Monday, December 22, 1806, lord Grenville presented to the house of lords, by his majesty's command, the papers respecting the late negotiation. In moving to fix a day for the discussion, it was his wish that, on the one hand sufficient time should be given for the consideration of this very important subject; and on the other, that no longer delay should take place than was absolutely necessary. He therefore moved that the papers be taken into consideration on Friday, the 2d of January-Ordered.

He then rose for the purpose of moving the thanks of the house to sir John Stuart, and the officers and soldiers by whose valour the victory of Maida was obtained. He had ever been of opinion that the high honour conferred by a vote of thanks of that house ought to be reserved for great occasions; for deeds of valour of a superior description; for actions which tended to throw a lustre around the British name, or materially to benefit the interest of the country. Of this general description and character he conceived the instance to be to which he now alluded.-The British troops were considerably under 5,000 men: of the enemy, many more. What was the result? That the number of killed, wounded, and taken prisoners, either in the action of Maida itself, or in its approximate consequences, considerably exceeded the number of the victorious army. He knew of no occasion which could more forcibly call upon their lordships for their thanks. Upon which ground he moved, 1st, "That the thanks of that house should be given to major-general sir John Stuart, K. B. and also to the honourable brigadier-general

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