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bability; and we are informed, that the prince royal was so well aware of the influence which it must have against him, that he excused his conduct on the former occasion, on the score of its not having been voluntary, but forced upon him by the emperor Paul; and vindicated his present intentions, on the ground of no such exterior influence upon them being to be apprehended. Now to us it appears, on considering the circumstances of the two periods, that the influence of Buonaparte was likely to be still more conclusive than that of the emperor Paul was admitted to have been (taking their intentions and indifference about their menaces to be the same), because Denmark might, at that time, have resisted, with the assistance of a British squadron, any attack on her capital, and there was no Russian army at hand to threaten her continental provinces; whereas, in 1807, nothing could prevent the French from overrunning those provinces, as soon as they, from whatever motive, deter mined so to do,

In the same spirit of impartiality which dictated the foregoing ob. servations, we must in justice say, that the system according to which we think the Danish war not only justifiable but highly commendable, was not improved to the extent of which it was capable. We consider as highly impolitic, the terms of the capitulation of Copenhagen; the attempt to negotiate with Denmark, after she had unequivocally expressed her determination to rejeet all terms of reconciliation, as undignified; and the abandonment of the island of Zealand, from the

re-occupation of which the terms of the capitulation did not preclude us, as having been productive of nearly as much evil as we derived benefit from the original under. taking.

If as historians, not of the British empire only, but of the passing events in the political world, we should be called upon to say, whe ther, placing ourselves in the predicament of the Danish government, we should have recommended them to make the sacrifice that was demanded, our answer must depend upon a view of the terms on which the demand was made. If it had been made abruptly, and unaccom panied by any other proposals which might render it at once conformable to the interests and inoffensive to the feelings of the Danish nation, we should say No. But as we are told, from unquestionable authority, that, with reference to the point of feeling, it was left to the Danish government to prescribe the manner of the transaction, we conceive that the INTERESTS of that nation would have been better consulted by adhering to a policy, by which their principal dominions, their colouies, their commerce, and their navigation, would have been pre served entire, and independent of the yoke of France, than by form. ing that connection by which all these objects have been sacrificed, great and most oppressive burdens incurred, and by which the prosperity of Denmark, even of those very provinces, in the vain hope of preserving which, the remaindr were sacrificed, has been injured beyond the power of reparation.

CHAP.

CHAP. XV.

Partitions of power among conquering princes or military chiefs, not a novelty.-Projected partition of Europe at the conferences at Tilsit, between Buonaparte, and the Emperor Alexander.Measures taken by Buonaparte for carrying his design into execution.-Consolidation of his power at home and abroad.Flatters, cajoles, and at the same time, bridles more and more the French nation.-Continental blockade.-This a pretext for extending his conquests.-His intrigues in Spain.-Journey to. Italy And Invasion of Portugal.

UMAN nature being at all times, and in all places, the same, the conduct of men is often found to be similar, in similar cir. cumstances. Partitions of power and territory have been made on sundry occasions, as we learn from history in antient times, among sovercign princes and other chiefs, at the head of immense armies; who afterwards, on the very first favourable opportunity, quarrelled, attacked, and destroyed one another. Thus Julius Cæsar became perpetual dictator, and Octavius, emperor of Rome. It was thus, that in the decline of the Roman empire, the most powerful gover. nors of provinces first made a par. tition of the imperial dominions among themselves, and afterwards determined by the sword, which should wear the purple. It was on the same principle of mutual aggran. dizement, that peace was concluded between Buonaparte and the Rus. sian emperor, Alexander, who, not recollecting the danger of destroying every barrier between himself, and such a man as the ruler of France, so powerful, so unprin.

--

cipled, and of such insatiable ambition, fell into the snares of the Italian, with an imbecility bordering on insanity. The truth is, the youthful mind and conduct of Álex. ander, naturally weak, and prone withal to sensual gratification, was moulded at will by favourites who stamped it alternately with the impression of their own opposite characters and interests. Ever since the conclusion of the reign of Ca. therine the Great, there had been at St. Petersburgh, what was called an anti-commercial party, in other words, a faction inimical to England: this party was composed chiefly of French emigrants, and Frenchmen become subjects of Russia by long residence. These men insinuated themselves into many situations that gave them opportu nities of exercising their talents, and indulging their natural inclination to intrigue; particularly those of tutors or preceptors in noble fami. lies.

They breathed all the national enmity of France towards England; though sometimes foiled, they constantly renewed their at tacks; and after the peace of Til. .

sit.

sit, finding that Alexander had suffered himself to be cajoled by Buonaparte, they improved every favourable occurrence to attach him more and more to France. Tutor. ed by this faction, he gave out, in a proclamation or declaration*, as his principal motive, or, "that which most sensibly touched his heart," for joining in a maritime confede. ration against England, that she had harassed the Russian trade. His other grounds of complaint were: that the British cabinet had refused to accept his offered mediation for peace between France and England; the seizure of the Danish fleet; and that England instead of bearing a part in the late war against France, instigated by herself, and which was her own cause, had, for her own selfish ends, sent out expeditions to Buenos Ayres, Sicily, Naples, and Egypt.-There was none of these grounds, except the last, that was in any degree even plausible.-Austria and Prussia, too were obliged to declare war against English commerce: but they had the modesty and good sense not to accompany their declarations with any grounds for this conduct.

The emperor of Russia farther declares in his proclamation," that he annuls for ever, every preceding convention between England and Russia, and particularly that entered into in 1801. He proclaims anew the principles of the armed neutrality, that monument of the wisdom of the empress Catherine, and engages never to recede from that system." Most improvident declaration! Either he must one

* State Papers, p. 761.

day disavow this, or be for ever at war with his natural ally. How great the contrast! How direct the opposition between this, and the declaration of Russia against France, in September 1806! In an ukase of November 1806, the government of France is called an usurpation.-Though the emperor was seduced by the promises and cajolerics of Buonaparte, the Rus sian nation remained friendly to the English; though by an ukase of the 10th of November, 1807, an embargo was laid on all English ships in the harbours of Russia. But, through the favour of the inhabitants, and even the officers of the revenue, the English were apprised of this beforehand so that they had time to set sail, and make their escape: which they did, with a favourable wind, to the number of eighty sail, with their cargoes, and arrived all of them safely in British harbours.

That a partition of Europe was carved out, and settled between Buonaparte and Alexander, in their conferences at Tilsit, cannot be doubted. His majesty, Napoleon, in his speech to the legislative body at the opening of one of their sessions, in August 1807, says: "France is united to the people of Germany, by the laws of the confederation of the Rhine; to those of the Spains, of Holland, of Switzerland, and the Italies, by the laws of our fe derative system. Our new relations with Russia are cemented by the reciprocal esteem of these two grand nations."-In the same speech, speaking of Alexander, he calls him

+ See State Papers, Vol. XLVIII, 1806, p. 799. Moniteur, 17th August.

the

the powerful emperor of the
NORTH. By this federative sys-
tem, of which Buonaparte is the
absolute head and ruler, all the west
of Europe, with the isles belonging
to Italy and the transmarine domi-
nions of Spain, for this is implied
in the Spains and Italies, belongs
to himself. He makes no mention
of the sovereigns of those countries
whose power is intended to be only
temporary and nominal, but only of
the people. What he calls a fede-
rative system, on this occasion, he
has since denominated the Great
Empire. In short, according to
Buonaparte's views and designs,
there are but two independent na-
tions in Europe,-two great em-
pires.-The one under the dominion
of the powerful emperor of the
NORTH, and the other under his
own. The arrangement agreed on
at Tilsit, has been stated in a Co-
runna gazette, August 1808:
"Buonaparte, or, as he affects to be
called, Napoleon, to seize all that
part of the continent of Europe,
which would extend in one line
from the mouth of the Vistula to
Corfu, and confined in the other
directions by the Baltic, the Ocean,
the Mediterranean, and the Adri-
atic. Russia was to hold the rest.”
In this statement of the partition,
Turkey in Europe is not excepted
it is probable that Buonaparte, who
was aware of the long entertained
designs of Russia, and the eager
desire of the archduke Constantine
to wear a crown, deemed it politic,
for the present, to let the cabinet
of St. Petersburg, indulge its fan-

cies.

In pursuance of this project, it remained for Buonaparte to take

VOL. XLIX.

possession of Etruria, the states of the church, the Hanseatic towns, and Denmark; and to subdue Spain, Portugal, and finally Austria. And, while he meditated the extension of his conquests, it was necessary in the first place, to secure the possession of those he had already made, among which, France herself ought to be comprehended, and by all means, to prevent insurrection and revolt, both at home and abroad.-As to the French, he set himself to manage them by gratify. ing their national vanity, and feeding their hopes, while he fastened more and more around their necks the rope of despotism. To shew that the interests of the capital still occupied a place in his mind, even amidst campaigns and battles, he issued a decree from his camp at Warsaw, January 13, 1807, for the construction of a new bridge on the Seine, in front of the Champ de Mars, the enlargement of quays, and the excavation of four common sewers, for receiving the contents of the other sewers of Paris. A triumphant arch at the Thuilleries was completed on the 1st of De cember, and, about the same time, a magnificent fount in front of the School of Medicine. Affecting to believe the professions of the French, when he was at the dis. tance of 500 leagues, sincere, he says, in his speech to his senate, already quoted, "You are a good and a great people ;"-vous êtes un bon et grand peuple. He briefly stated, or rather hinted at, the measures that had been taken, and institutions established, or to be established, for the promotion of agriculture and the arts, the revival

Situate very nearly in the same longitude.

of

of commerce and general industry;
leaving what was farther to be com-
municated on these heads to his
ministers. Mollien, the minister of
the French treasury, or exchequer,
in the printed budget, as we would
say, for 1807, congratulates his
emperor on this subject in the fol-
lowing terms : "Your majesty,
sire, has protected your people
from both the scourge and burthen
of war.
Your armies have added
to their harvest of glory one of fo-
reign contributions, which has en-
sured their support, their clothing,
and their pay." This last compli-
ment, indeed, had nothing in it of
the exaggeration of flattery. During
the whole of the campaign, or ra.
ther campaigns, of 1807, in the
North, the treasury of Paris was
overflowing. A large sum, exclu
sive of the foreign or exterior ex-
actions for the maintenance of the
troops, the splendid establishments
of the generals, and the gratification
of private cupidity, was thrown into
the list of ways and means, in or-
der to favour an idea that had been
publicly insinuated, that foreign
tribute would one day exonerate
the masters of the world from the
burthens they now bore; just as in
the history of the Romans, the mi-
litary at all times, and at one pe-
riod the whole states of Italy, were
exempted from taxation. In the
budget of 1807, the whole of the
receipts of the treasury for the
preceding year, was stated
986,992,539 livres; but this print-
ed account is generally supposed to
be greatly short of what was actu-
ally collected: which has been esti-
mated by some at 50, and by others
at not less than 55 millions sterling.
In the report of the minister of
war, of July 1807, the number of

at

Prussian prisoners, taken by the French in the war with Prussia, 1806-7, is estimated at 5,179 officers, and 123,418 privates and subalterns: the number of killed at about 50,000. There is a very natural transition from this exulting report of the minister of war, to that of Visconti, one of the directors of the Imperial Museum of Arts. records, as the spoil collected in the North by the Protector of the Arts, 350 paintings; 242 rare and precious MSS. many of them oriental; 50 statues; 80 busts; 192 articles of bronze, armour, &c.

At the same time that Buona. parte used every means for flatter. ing French vanity, and feeding the hopes of a sanguine and volatile people, he was anxious to destroy any remains they possessed of li berty, and to render the form of government purely monarchical. By a senatus-consultum of the 19th August, communicated to the legislative body on the 18th of Sep. tember, the tribunate was abolished, and the members of this, still retaining their former salaries undiminished, transferred into the legislative body: committees of which were thenceforth to do the business of the tribunes. It was possible that a conjuncture might arise, which might strike out a spark of liberty, and even kindle a flame of patriotism among the tribunes, a kind of representatives, or advocates of the people. But there was no danger of such an ascident happening in the senate. The princes of the blood, that is, the blood of Buonaparte, are members of the senate by their quality: the great dignitaries of the state, officially. And to this body, are associated the generals of divison detached

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