this twenty-fourth day of Decem- Shaikh Hubeeb Oolla. Declaratory Articles annexed to the Treaty of Peace and Amity, con ̈cluded between the British Government and Maharajah Jeswunt Rao Holkar, through the Agency of the Right Hon. Lord Lake, on the 24th December, 1805. Whereas by the 2d article of the abovementioned treaty, Maharajah Jeswunt Rao Holkar renounces all right and title to the districts of Tonk, Rampoora, Boondee, Leckherree, Sumeydee, Bhamungaun, Daee, and other places north of the Boondce hills, and now in the occupation of the British government: and whereas it has been understood that the Maharajah attaches great value to the district of Tonk Ram. poorah and other districts in that vicinity, which constituted the an cient possessions of the Holkar family; and the relations of amity and peace being now happily restored between the British government and Maharajah Jeswunt Rao Holkar, the British government is desirous of gratifying the wishes of the Maharajah to the utmost practigable extent, consistent with considerations of equity, and of manifesting its solicitude to cultivate the friendship and good will of the Maharajah; therefore the British go. vernment thereby agrees to consider the provisions of the 2d article of the treaty aforesaid, to be void and of no effect, and to relinquish all claim to the districts of Tonk Rampoorah, and such other districts in their vicinity, as were formerly in the possession of the Holkar family, and are now in the occupation of the British govern ment. Done on the river Ganges, the 2d day of February, 1806. (Signed) G. H. Barlow. Published by order of the honourable the vice president in council. Thomas Brown, Acting chief secretary to the government. Papers relative to the Negotiation with France, presented by His Majesty's Command to both Houses of Parliament, 22d. Dec. 1806. No. I. Letter from Mr. Secretary For to M. Talleyrand, dated Dozeningstreet, 20th Feb. 1806. (Translation.*) Downing-strect, 20th Feb. 1806. Sir, I think it my duty as an honest man to communicate to you, as soon as possible, a very extraordi. nary circumstance which is come to my knowledge. The shortest way will be to relate to you the fact simply as it happened. A few days ago, a person informed me, that he was just arrived at Gravesend without a passport, requesting me at the same time to send him oue, as he had very lately left Paris, and had something to communicate to me which would give me satisfaction. I sent for him— he came to my house the following *The originals of Mr. Fox's Letters were written by him in French. day day-1 received him alone in my closet; when, after some unimportant conversation, this villain had the audacity to tell me, that it was necessary for the tranquillity of all crowned heads to put to death the Ruler of France; and that for this purpose, a house had been hired at Passy, from which this detestable project could be carried into effect with certainty, and without risk. I did not perfectly understand if it was to be done by a common musket, or by fire arms upon a new principle. I am not ashamed to confess to you, sir, who know me, that my confusion was extreme, in thus finding myself led into a conversation with an avowed assassin; I instantly ordered him to leave me, giving, at the same time, orders to the police officer who accompanied him, to send him out of the kingdom as soon as possible. After having more attentively reflected upon what I had done, I saw my error in having suffered him to depart without having previously informed you of the circum. stance, and I ordered him to be de tained. It is probable that all this is unfounded, and that the wretch had nothing more in view than to make himself of consequence, by promis ing what, according to his ideas, would afford me satisfaction. At all events, I thought it right to acquaint you with what had happened, before I sent him away. Our laws do not permit us to detain him long; but he shall not be sent away till after you shall have had full time to take precautions against his attempts, supposing him still to entertain bad designs; and when he goes, I shall take care to have him landed at a scaport as remote as possible from France. He calls himself here, Guillet de. la Gevrilliere, but I think it is a false name which he has assumed. At his first entrance, I did him the honour to believe him to be a spy. I have the honour to be, with the most perfect attachment, Sir, Your most obedient servant, No. II. Letter from M. Talleyrand to Mr. Secretary Fox, dated Paris, Mar. 5, 1806.-Received Mar. 19. (Translation.) Sir, Paris, 5th March, 1806. I have laid your excellency's letter before his majesty. His first words, after having read it were, "I recognize here the principles of honour and of virtue, by which Mr. Fox has ever been actuated. Thank him on my part." I will not allow myself, sir, to add any thing to the expressions of his imperial and royal majesty. I only request you to accept the assurances of my distinguished consideration. (Signed) Ch. Mau. Talleyrand, No. III. Extract from a Letter from M. Talleyrand to Mr. Secretary Fox, dated Paris, March 5, 1806.— Received Mar. 19. (Translation.) Paris, 5th March, 1806. It may be agreeable to you to receive news from this country. , Zz 3 * The original is dans le cas de converser, in the act of conversing. I send I send you the emperor's speech as well to the contracting parties as to the legislative body. You will to the other powers of Europe. therein see that our wishes are still for peace. I do not ask what is the prevailing inclination with you; but if the advantages of peace are duly appreciated, you know upon what basis it may be discussed. No. V. Letter from Mr. Secretary Fox to M. Talleyrand, dated Downingstreet, Mar. 26, 1806. (Translation.) Downing-street, Mar. 26, 1806. Sir, The information which your exellency has given me of the pacific disposition that prevails (in your councils), and of the basis upon which peace may be discussed, has induced me to lay that part of your private letter before the king. His majesty has repeatedly declared to his parliament his sincere desire to embrace the first opportunity of re-establishing peace upon a solid basis, such as may be compatible with the interests and permanent security of his people: his wishes are uniformly pacific; but it is a safe and lasting peace that his majesty has in view, not an uncertain truce, which, from its very uncertainty, would be the source of disquietude With regard to the stipulations of the treaty of Amiens, which are proposed as the basis of the nego. tiation, it has been observed here that this phrase has been interpreted in three or four different ways, and consequently that further explanations would be necessary, which could not fail to produce great delay, even did no other objections exist. The true basis of such a negotiation between two great powers, equally despising every idea of chicane, would be the reciprocal recognition of the following principle, viz, that the object of both parties should be a peace honourable for both, and for their respective allies; and, at the same time, of a nature to secure, as far as is in their power, the future tranquillity of Europe. England cannot neglect the interests of any of her allies; and she is united to Russia by such close connections, that she would not treat, still less conclude upon any thing, but in concert with the cmperor Alexander: but whilst awaiting the actual intervention of a Russian plenipotentiary, some of the principal points might however be discussed, and even provisionally arranged. It might seem, that Russia, on account of her remote situation, should have fewer immediate interests to discuss with France than other powers; but that court, so respectable in every point of view, interests herself, like England, warmly in every thing that concerns the greater or less degree of independence enjoyed by the different princes and states of Europe. You see, sir, how inclined we are are here to remove every difficulty that might retard the discussion in question. With the resources that we possess, it is most assuredly not on our own account that we need fear a continuance of the war. Of all the nations of Europe, England, perhaps, is that which suffers the least by its prolongation; but we do not the less commisserate the misfortunes of others. Let us, then, do all in our power to terminate them, and let us endeavour, if it be possible, to reconcile the respective interests and the glory of the two countries, with the tranquillity of Europe, and the happiness of the human race. I am, &c. (Signed) C. J. Fox. No. VI. Letter from M. Talleyrand to Mr. Secretary Fox, dated Paris, April 1st, 1806.-Received April 7. (Translation.) Paris, April 1, 1806. Sir, The very instant I received your letter of the 26th March, I waited upon his majesty, and I am happy to inform you, that he has authorized me to send you, without delay, the following answer: The emperor covets nothing that England possesses. Peace with France is possible, and may be perpetual, provided there is no interference in her internal affairs, and that no attempt is made to restrain her in the regulation of her custom duties; to cramp her commercial rights; or to offer any insult to her flag. It is not you, sir, who have displayed in many public discussions, an exact knowledge of the general affairs of Europe and of France, who require to be convinced that France has nothing to desire except repose, and a situation such as may enable her, without obstruction, tó give herself up entirely to the la bours of her industry. The emperor does not imagine, that any particular article of the treaty of Amiens produced the war. He is convinced, that the true cause was the refusal to make a treaty of commerce, which would necessarily have been prejudicial to the manufactures and the industry of his subjects. Your predecessors accused us of wishing universal conquest. In France, England has likewise her accusers. Very well! We only ask equality. We shall never require an account of what you do at home, provided that, on your side, you never require an account of what we do at home. This principle is reciprocally just, reasonable, and mutually advanta geous. You express a desire that the negotiation may not terminate in a France is more short-lived peace. interested than any other power that it should be permanent. It is not her interest to make a truce; since a truce would only pave the You know way for fresh losses. very well that nations, similar in this respect to individuals, accustom themselves to a state of war, as well as to a state of peace. All the losses that France could sustain, she has sustained. This will ever be the case, in the first six months of war. At present, our commerce and our industry* have taken the channel dictated by the circumstances of our Zz4 * Se sont répliéz sur eux mêmes. country, country, and are adapted to our state of war. Consequently a truce of two or three years would be the thing of all others the most opposite to our commercial interests, and to the emperor's policy. As to the intervention of a foreign power, the emperor might accept the mediation of a power possessing a great naval force, because, in that case, the participation of such power in the peace would be regulated by the same interests that we have to discuss with you; but the mediation you speak of is not of this nature. You do not wish to deceive us and you are well aware there is no equality betwixt us in the guaranty of a power which has three hundred thousand men, on foot, and which has no naval force. For the rest, sir, your communication has a character of openness, and precision, which we have hitherto never seen in the communications between your court and us. I will make it my duty to employ the same openness, and the same precision, in my reply. We are ready to make peace with the whole world! We wish to dictate to no one! But we will not be dictated to; and no one possesses either the power or the means of doing it. It is in the power of none to make us relinquish treaties which are already carried into effect. The integrity and the complete and absolute inde. pendence of the Ottoman empire, form not only the sincerest desire of the emperor, but constitute also the undeviating object of his policy. reign and distant powers in the dis. cussions of the great interests which divide them: thus, sir, peace may be treated upon and concluded immediately, if your court really en. tertains the desire of attaining it. Our interests are reconcileable,in. asmuch as they are distinct. You are the rulers of the ocean: your naval forces are equal to those of all the sovereigns of the world united. We are a great continental power: but there are many who equal our power by land; and your maritime preponderance will always place our commerce at the mercy of your squadrons, immediately af. ter your declaring war. Do you think it reasonable to expect that the emperor should ever consent to submit himself to your discretion in continental affairs also? If, masters of the sea through your own power, you propose being masters of the land likewise by a combined force, peace is impossible; for, in that case, you will be striving for an object which you can never attain. Two enlightened and neighbouring nations would be wanting in the opinion they ought to entertain of their power and wisdom, should they call for the intervention of fo The emperor, accustomed as he is to encounter every risk, which holds out the prospect of greatness and of glory, wishes for peace with England-he is a man-after sq many fatigues he is desirous of repose the father of his subjects, he wishes, as far as it is compatible with their honour and with security for the future, to procure for them the blessings of peace, and the advantages of a successful and uninterrupted commerce. If then, sir, his majesty the king of England really wishes for peace with France, he will appoint a plenipotentiary to repair to Lisle. I have the honour of sending you passports for this purpose. As soon as the emperor shall be informed of ths |