takings we are actuated, either by the desire of extending our empire, or of acquiring fame by success in war; but that the objects of our wishes and our operations are the general security, the maintenance of our alliance, and the preservation of the dignity of our empire.

Given at St. Petersburgh, August 30, 1806, and in the sixth year of our reign. (Countersigued)

Alexander. Budberg, Minister for foreign affairs.

Prussian Manifesto.

As his majesty the king of Prussia has taken up arms for the defence of his people, he thinks it necessary to lay before them and all Europe, the circumstances which have imposed this duty on his ma. jesty.

The politics of France have been the scourge of humanity during the last fifteen years. Those men who, in rapid succession, have been at the head of affairs in that country, have only sought the means of their dominion in war, and the guarantee of their existence in the wretchedness of the people, may be viewed without astonishment. But the introduction of a regular government, to which the same necessity could not be imputed, gave new life to the hopes of the friends of peace. Na poleon, invested with the supreme power, victorious, surrounded by weaker states, friendly disposed governments, or conquered and exhausted rivals, had it in his power to perform a better part. For the greatness of France nothing more remained for him to do; for her

happiness every thing was in his power.

It is painful to be compelled to say, that French politics still re. mained the same. An insatiable ambition was still the ruling passion of France. She made use of arms and of treaties with the same view. The peace of Amiens was scarcely concluded, before the signal for the first acts of violence followed, Holland and Switzerland, two inde pendent states, were compelled to accept a constitution which con verted them into French provinces. The renewal of war was the consequence.

Peace, however, still continued upon the continent. The German empire had purchased it by incalcu lable sacrifices. In the midst of this peace, nevertheless, the French troops invaded the electorate of Hanover; a country which had no concern in the war between France and England, while the ports of Germany were shut against the Bri. tish flag; and the better to effect her object, France took possession of Cuxhaven, and the territory of a free state, which was still more a stranger to war than Hanover.

In the midst of this peace also, the same troops a few months after, violated the German territory, in such manner as to wound the honour of the nation still deeper. The Ger mans have never avenged the death of the duke d'Enghein; but the remembrance of that event will never be extinguished among them.

The treaty of Luneville guaran. teed the independence of the Italian republic. In spite of the most positive promises did Napoleon place the iron crown of Italy upon his own head. Genoa was incorporated

with France. Lucca was very near sharing the same fate. Only a few months before had the emperor, on a solemn occasion-an occasion which imposed very important duties upon him-declared, before his people and before all Europe, that he wished not to extend the limits of his territory. Besides, France was bound, by a treaty with Russia, to put the king of Sardinia in possession of indemnities in Italy. Instead of fulfilling that obligation, she made herself mistress of every object which could have been serviceable towards that indemnification.

Portugal wished to maintain her neutrality, but Portugal was compelled to purchase, by gold, the deceitful security of a few moments.

The Porte, who had not forgotten the invasion of Syria and Egypt, was the only power remaining in Europe, which had not been subjected to the arbitrary proceedings of France.

But to these acts of violence, a system of abuse and injury remained still to be added. A journal, which proclaimed itself the voice of government, was chosen as a chronicle of the attacks incessantly made upon every crowned head.

Prussia could be no stranger to any of those general acts of oppression. Many of them were nearly connected with her substantial interests; especially as the wisdom of that system which considers the states of Europe as members of the same family, calls upon each of them for the defence of all; and that the unbounded aggrandizement of one state exposed the rest to danger, was sufficiently manifest to experience.

Still it is most essentially neces-
VOL. XLVIII.

sary, to represent in what manner the conduct of France was calculated to operate in its immediate relation to Prussia.

It were superfluous to enumerate all the good offices rendered to Napoleon by Prussia. Prussia was the first power that acknowledged him. No promises, no menaces had been able to shake the king's neutrality. every thing that the duty of a good neighbour could prescribe, was most amply afforded during a period of six years.

Prussia esteemed a va

liant nation, which also had learned, on its part, to respect Prussia both in war and peace; and she did justice to the genius of its chief. But the remembrance of these times is no longer retained by Napoleon.

Prussia had permitted the territory of Hanover to be invaded. In this she had countenanced an act of injustice; therefore was it her first view to remedy it. She offered her. self for it instead of England, under the condition that the latter should cede it. It must, however, at least be recollected, that thus a boundary was prescribed to France, which sąe should not pass. Napoleon solemnly pledged himself not to compromise the neutrality of the northern states; to exercise no violence towards any of them; and, in particular, not to increase the number of troops in the electorate of Hanover.

Scarcely had he agreed to these stipulations, than he broke them. Every one is acquainted with the violent manner in which sir George Rumbold was seized; every one knows that the Hanse Towns were laid under contribution, under the appellation of loans, not by any means for their interest, but exactly in the same manner as if France had 3 F been

been at war with him. For the first of these injuries his majesty contented himself with accepting an inadequate satisfaction. Of the second he took no cognizance, being prevented by the apprehensions and representations on the part of the Hanse Towns. His majesty, on his part, did not scruple to make any sacrifice, as the preservation of peace was the dearest wish of his heart.

The patience and sufferance of every other court were exhausted sooner than that of his majesty.War again broke out on the continent the situation of the king, with respect to his duty, was more difficult than ever. In order to prevent France from augmenting her troops in Hanover, he had promised to suffer no attack to be made on that territory. The Russians and Swedes were preparing for an attack upon the French. From this period the whole burden of the contract between France and Prussia weighed upon the latter only, with out producing to her the least ad. vantage; and by a singular concatenation of circumstances, it seemed that Prussia, who only wished to remain impartial and neutral, could no longer pursue her former system, except to the prejudice of the allied powers. Every advantage which resulted from this situation of affairs was on the side of France, and the king was daily threatened with a collision, not less formidable to him, than decisively favourable to the plans of Napoleon.

Who could have thought that the very moment when the king had given to the French government the strongest proof of his determination, and a singular example of the faith. ful fulfilment of engagements into

3

which he had once entered, should be chosen by Napoleon to do the king the most sensible injury? Who does not remember the viola tion of the territory of Anspach, which took place on the 3d of Octo. ber, in the last year, notwithstanding the remonstrance of the provin cial administration, and of his ma jesty's minister?

This contest between that moderation which pardons every thingthat integrity which remains true to its engagements to the last, on the one part; and the abuse of power, the insolence inspired by deceitful fortune, and the habit of only reckoning on this fortune, on the other, continued several years. The king declared to the French government that he considered all his connections with it as dissolved. He placed his army on a footing suitable to circumstances. He was now fully convinced, that no pledge of security remained for the neighbours of France, but a peace established upon firm principles, and guaranteed by all the powers in common.

His majesty offered the allies to be the mediator in negotiations for such a peace, and to support them with all his force. It is sufficient to know the conditions then proposed, to be convinced of the mode. ration which, at all times, has governed the politics of his majesty in their whole extent. Prussia, at this moment, listened not to the voice of revenge: she passed over the events of the late war, however violent they might have been, since they had been sanctioned by existing treaties. She required nothing but the punctual fulfilment of those treatics; but this she required without limitation. Count Haugwitz repaired to Vienna, where the French em

peror

peror then was. Scarcely had this minister been there a few days, when the whole face of affairs was changed; the misfortunes experienced by the court of Vienna had compelled it to sign an armistice, which was immediately followed by a peace. The emperor of Russia sacrificed his magnanimous views to the wish of his ally, and his troops returned home. Prussia

stood now alone on the field of contest. His majesty was obliged to limit his policy by his powers; and instead, as had been his wish, of embracing the interests of all Europe, make his own security and that of his neighbours, his first object.

The Freuch emperor proposed to count Haugwitz a treaty in which was stipulated, on the one side, a mutual guarantee of possessions, the inviolability of the Turkish territory, and the results of the peace of Presburg; and, on the other, the taking possession of Hanover by Prussia, in return for the cession of three provinces.

The first part of the treaty pro mised, at least for the future, an acknowledged, guaranteed, and, if Napoleon had so pleased, a firm, political constitution. The results of the peace of Presburg were a general misfortune for Europe, but Prussia sacrificed herself alone when she accepted them; and to place a limit to the incessant usurpations of France, should the treaty be considered by the court of St. Cloud as anything more than words, appeared an advantage the king, therefore, ratified this article unconditionally.

The second half of the treaty of Vienna related to an object, the importance of which had been manifested by serious experience. Prus

sia could not rely on security for a moment, so long as Hanover remained involved in a war, in which that country had,, in fact, no concern. At whatever price it might be purchased, Prussia was resolved that the French should not return thither.

She had her choice to ob.

tain this end, either by a treaty or a war. The cession of three provinces, which had been faithful and happy for a long series of years, was a sacrifice not to be made for any plan of vain ambition: but these provinces, in case of a war, would have been the first sufferers; all the calamities of that war would have pressed upon the monarchy; while the acquisition of Hanover, could it have been made under less unhappy circumstances, would have been productive of the most valuable advantages to Prussia. The king, therefore, conceived, that he reconciled his wishes with his principles, when he accepted the proposed exchange, only under the condition, that the fulfilment of the same should be deferred till the general peace, and that the consent of his majesty the king of Great Britain should be obtained.

All the advantages of this treaty were for France. On the one side, she received guarantees, which put the scal on her conquests; on the other, she gave what she did not possess, what might be again con. quered by the chances of an uncertain war, while in the cessions of Prussia she found the means of enriching her allies.

But between a policy which will do every thing in its power, and an integrity which regards its duties, and especially its promises, the coutest is ever unequal. The king ap proached the moment when he was 3 F 2

Convinced