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turned his head. The dangers which threatened the country, and his duty towards it in the hour of need, occupied his mind so completely as to leave no room for any thought of himself. He neither vaunted his abilities, nor stooped to defend himself against criticism, but left his countrymen to ascertain the measure of his powers, as he had learned them for himself, from the deeds which spoke with no uncertain sound. The magnitude of the end for which the Union armies were marshalled, and which he fully appreciated at the very outset of the war, was such as dwarfed for him all individual pretensions and interests. He rigorously subordinated all private sentiments and feelings to the good of the cause that he served. He was incapable of envy or jealousy, and he never appropriated credit that was due to others. He was silent, thoughtful, and patient. He commanded himself as successfully as he commanded armies, and where he led, all felt safe against the consequences of incapacity or rashness.

Although educated at West Point, he was not a professional soldier. Instead of liking war, he abhorred it as the greatest of human calamities, and his temperament inclined to peace. He engaged in our last war because he recognized it as the only means of maintaining the Union and securing unbroken peace. a cause for which he was willing to make any sacrifice, even life itself. He could not have led in any war of aggression or conquest, for he was the friend and benefactor, rather than an oppressor or destroyer of the people. Ambition never stifled his sense of duty or love of truth and justice, or tarnished his name with acts of cruelty or tyranny. None welcomed the return of peace with more cordiality, and none saw the quiet disbanding of his army of bronzed and hardened veterans, and their resumption of peaceful pursuits, with emotions of greater pleasure when the struggle was over. He did not believe that because military force had saved the Union it was a proper instrument of government in time of peace. In his last days, while bearing with serenity and fortitude the tortures of an incurable disease, on Mount McGregor, he gave his life a final retrospect, and it was the reunion of the warring sections under the old flag, that gave him the greatest satisfaction, and enabled him to close his eyes for the sleep of death with the comforting reflection that his work had been well done and would outlive him.

The monument before us is dedicated to the illustrious General

It was

of our armies, rather than to the chief magistrate of our republic, and it is therefore meet that my address should dwell more on his military than his civic life. Whatever may have been his merits, or his defects as chief executive, he was unquestionably our greatest soldier, and his matchless achievements in the field and their influence upon the fate of his country amply justify this beautiful testimonial. So long as love of liberty and equality, and admiration for heroic deeds and unselfish patriotism last, the memory of Grant will be venerated. Some of the acts of his civil administration were really worth more to the country and the world than the dull routine and solemn respectability of many others. While men had dreamed and written about the uselessness and wickedness of war, as an agency for the settlement of controversies between nations, and urged the substitution of more civilized methods, it was reserved for our greatest soldier to reduce these theories and vague aspirations to practice. It was the successful leader of our armies, in our greatest war, who took the lead in bringing the civilized world to a practical recognition of the value of a peaceful arbitrament of international disputes, and the Treaty of Washington is a monument to his memory which will outlive those of bronze and stone. Its moral influence extends infinitely beyond the immediate parties to it, or the age in which it was negotiated. More than once he displayed independence, high courage, and strong sense of duty by vetoing legislation which seriously threatened the public welfare. It is a mistake to suppose that popular government is an art or a mystery. Some of the details of administration require special training and experience. But in its broad policies, in the adjustment of it to the ends for which it was organized, in the promotion of its purposes, men like Grant, who feel rightly and see clearly, who have a sound judgment and saving common sense, and who will resolutely assert themselves under all circumstances, may be safely trusted with its affairs and destinies. It would not be a popular government if it were otherwise. The men who have left the profoundest impress on our history, were not so much distinguished for their wealth, or their erudition, as the qualities, or some of them, which distinguished Grant. These qualities are essential ingredients of political manhood, and they are no less useful and necessary in peace than in war. We need men possessing them to resist the aggressions of those who seek to make our politics both an art and a mystery, intelligible only to the adept and initiated, who assume the management of them by virtue of their capacity for the deft and artful manipulation of their fellows. Their influence upon the country is corrupt and debasing, and the area of political venalty constantly enlarges under it. According to their views the whole interest that any citizen has in municipal, state, or national government is measured by what he can make out of it. It is worse than idle to shut our eyes to the existence of corrupt methods and practices in our politics which threaten to subvert our free institutions. The people are often cheated at the polls and in legislation, and prizes which should be the reward of honest merit are too frequently bestowed upon the cunning and the unscrupulous rich. Real freedom is not enjoyed by the people unless the laws are enacted by their honestly chosen representatives, and their freedom of action is as much impaired when it is corruptly influenced as if controlled by force. The man who accepts a bribe of any sort places his conscience and judgment in the vilest bondage. He is no longer free. Argument is wasted on him. Considerations of the public weal or woe do not effect him. Bayonets at the polls would not control his conduct more effectively. And men who contribute money to buy votes, and to bribe the people's representatives, as well as those who disburse it, are deadly enemies of the republic. Their greed and love of power are greater than their love of country. They impair popular respect for law, which is the only safeguard for life and property; and it will be an evil day for the nation when its preservation depends upon their patriotism and courage. They may masquerade in the garb of righteousness, and address the people in the language of patriotism, but their virtues are assumed ; they are hypocrites and assassins of liberty, and would welcome a dynasty rather than shed their blood in defence of popular government. Their shameless and insidious attacks on free institutions are infinitely more dangerous than the revolutionary teachings and practices of a comparatively few visionary and misguided men and women in our large cities. It is not such as these, but the great multitude engaged in active and hardy pursuits, who constitute the strength of the nation. They are not enemies of law and order, they do not envy or hate those who have acquired property by honest methods, they bear their full share of the public burdens, and so long as the powers of the nation are not perverted to their injury for the enrichment of the few, they will rally to its defense with unselfish and devoted patriotism. Their

energy and courage have not been deadened by ease and luxury. There can be no prosperity without public tranquility, and the people will not long remain tranquil under a well-founded belief that the corrupt use of money prevents a free and honest expression in their choice of men and measures. If public opinion cannot be honestly expressed in authorized ways, our elections will become expensive and useless mockeries, and free government will exist only in name. Let us not be deceived by mere forms. Radical changes in government may be effected without perceptible change in the mode of administration. Some of the worst tyrannies the world has ever known were maintained under popular forms.

Men like Grant who have sprung from the people, with strong and resolute character, unspoiled by luxury, clear-minded and level-headed, able to see men and things as they really are, undeceived by outward show and conventionality, are worth more to our nation than all its mere cunning, self-seeking politicians, its political theorists, or its plutocrats. In war and peace, these qualities lie at the foundation of all true character. A nation not only needs such men, but they are indispensable to it. In times of peril it may perish without them.

It is not improper at this time to call attention to baneful influences and practices which lower our national standard and, unchecked, threaten disaster. Engrossed in the cares of business and laborious occupations, men seem inattentive to the requirements of citizenship, but they do not consciously and willfully shirk its duties and responsibilities, when they are clearly seen and fully understood. They may be slow to act, but when danger becomes imminent they will assert themselves again as they have in the past. They will not allow the republic to perish from neglect. The sentiment of patriotism is still strong in the people. It is neither dead nor short-lived. It grows and strengthens with honest appeals to it, and it may be appealed to with confidence for the vindication of good measures.

It increases with every draft that is made upon it, and while it may become silent through neglect, it does not cease to exist. Its voice may be unheeded for a season, and may be drowned by the noisier tongues of greed and selfishness, but it will be heard again. It patiently submits to many affronts, and quietly endures many indignities. But in its temporary silence, it gathers an accumulation of energy, and when the limit of its endurance has been reached, its commanding voice breaks forth on the startled air, trumpet-tongued, and against its mighty tones no other voice dares lift itself. It was so when our last war swept over the land. The spirit of patriotism which was then roused from an apparent slumber, became dominant and pervasive. It extended every where, and touched everybody. It reigned supreme. The ordinary interests of men were subordinated to it. The war did not create it, but roused it into action, gave it direction, and furnished scope and opportunity for the assertion of itself. In our armies, and behind them, it was a moral force of tremendous energy urging them forward and onward until the supremacy of our cause was finally established.

Our country was settled by men who sought a land which they might love as their own, and pledged their lives and fortunes for the maintenance of its institutions. Our republic was founded in the patriotism of the people, and their love of country was strengthened by the struggle for its defence against foreign aggression. The revolutionary war was a test of the popular patriotism which had been previously implanted, rather than a development of it. The patriotism which was ablaze in the speeches of Adams and Otis and Patrick Henry, and in the intrepid conduct of Marion and Warren, was a steady and fervent heat in the bosoms of thousands whose names are unknown to history. As a people we have inherited the patriotism of our revolutionary sires, and the inheritance has not been squandered or dissipated. Because it is voiceless among the busy multitude, in the marts, on the farms and in the workshops, we must not think it has ceased to exist, for these were the sources from which our patriotic armies were filled. It is not the noisy and blatant sort of patriotism that finds an easy outlet on the rostrums that is the staunchest and the best, it is a stronger and more self denying passion. The vast majority of the people are patriotic and sound to the

In them is our main stay and chief dependence. Our confidence in their steady and unfaltering love of country, which is indifferent about any show of itself, and speaks only in its acts, will never be misplaced. It was this sort of patriotism that was personified in Grant.

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