pulse Mexico should elevate existing ed territory, is absurd. Indeed, it is difficulties above the dignity of a mere our firm conviction, for reasons which, border warfare, and should provoke our on a fitting occasion, we are prepared

to render, that a democratic is the only form of government which, over a territory relatively large, can endure and furnish adequate security to the rights of its people. Of course, we do not now speak of what have been denominated by publicists pure democracies, in which the people assemble in mass to legislate. That absurdity of the ancient democratic States of Greece grew out of the jealousy of a peculiar people, limited in numbers, who were wise enough to know that the true end of government was the happiness of its subjects, and the people were the best judges of what would conduce to that result, but who were ignorant of the

government to make a retaliatory invasion, it is impossible to foresee any limit to the contest short of an absolute subjugation of Mexico or of such a prostration of her national independence as to lead at no remote period to a revolution like, both in processes and consequences, to that which threw Texas into our arms. The feelings of the outraged Texans and of our Western citizens, who sympathise most warmly with them, are such that we are assured no half-way measures will content them if occasion be given our armies once to pass the Rio Grande. The moment that event shall transpire, the young men at least, of this generation might expect to see the termination of Mex- means of properly bringing their judgico's independent national existence, and ment to bear upon the laws. A pure the Congress of the United States of democracy is an impossibility. Even America proclaiming its laws to the the nations which have attemptPacific. ed it have failed to execute their plan. It is as much a business of government to administer as to make the laws. Executive officers must, therefore, have delegated powers. The people cannot all command ships, and lead armies, and administer justice. Here, then, they were obliged to abandon their principles, and act through representatives. The ancient democracies, however, were too jealous of delegating

1

But as we stated before, the prospect of a war with Mexico for the recovery of Texas, or to revenge her loss, is too remote to awaken any apprehension, or to deserve further discussion. The other suggestion deserves more consideration, and if we were disposed to wreak upon our readers our own conjectures, we would prophecy the rebellion, revolution and independence of New Mexico, Chihuahua, California these powers to extend it far in legislaand Yucatan, at no very distant period. tion. More than six or ten thousand Such a result is certainly more probable persons at the utmost could not, from than was the ascertained destiny of the very nature of the case, assemble Texas ten years ago. Should such a to decide upon any public measure

separation take place, it would doubtless be followed with a speedy application on the part of those States for admission to our Union. In view of these considerations, we hope it will not be esteemed out of time or place in us to offer a few reflections upon our duty in such a contingency, and therein to consider briefly the subject of territorial aggrandizement under our form of gov

ernment.

At the outset, we will remark, that in our judgment, the representative system as practically enjoyed in this country, will admit of an indefinite extension of territory, without weakening or impairing the political guaranties of any of its inhabitants. That the theory so popular among Europeans, that a democratic government can only be successfully administered upon a limit

hence only a limited territory could be properly governed under a single constitution. But with a system of representation so complete as ours, aided by the facilities furnished by modern science and art for the circulation of opinion, these difficulties disappear, and with a proper constitutional definition, and establishment of the true functions of the central and local governments, the superficies of a territory, or the number of its inhabitants have not necessarily anything to do with the practicability of combining their political interests under one central administration.

There are other questions, however, to be disposed of in determining upon the expediency of enlarging the territories of a nation which are not so clear. In a representative government, the laws embody the average political of the righteous in that fated city must intelligence of the electors; that is, have been exaggerated. Beyond a questheir average knowledge of the true tion the entire Mexican vote would be

for this country, in our judgment, to every inducement and opportunity for avoid-a greater centralization of pow- the utmost freedom of industry, we

er.

This consequence must be inevit- make them missionaries of our political able. To protect the Mexican citizen science to every quarter of the globe.

in the enjoyment of his property and rights, would require the arm of a auch more vigorous and centralized government than ours is at present, or than its true friends wish it to become. We can make no distinction among the States of the Union when once they are incorporated, and if the mountain wont go to Mahomet, Mahomet must go to the mountain. If Mexico can't be qualified by the annexation to enjoy the privileges of the other States of the Union, the other States must consent to abandon those privileges until the constitution which is necessary to protect the rights of all, shall bear equally upon the privileges of all. For, as we stated before, the nation must be governed by its average intelligence. Now we submit that this will be earning the glories of successful war or negociation, and of enlarged dominion at too great expense; nay, at a price which, when we should come to pay it, would disgust us with our bargain. We believe no American is willing that we should suspend the advancing march of our civilisation, and return upon our steps, or motionless abide the coming of this semi-barbarous people, who are yet ignorant of the very elements of the science of political government, because the fortunes of war or successful revolution had made them subject to our laws; which leads us to consider the means by which free institutions may rightfully be propagated. Maintaining as we do, that a government in which the whole people are fairly represented, developes political science and advances national prosperity more rapidly than any other; and believing as we do, that the American people are more adequately represented in their laws than any other, we are bound to conclude that the distance between our political institutions and those of other nations is constantly increasing. This might seem to authorize the inference that we could never extend their beneficial influences to people less mature in political science than ourselves. The impropriety of such an inference will appear upon the slightest reflection. Democracies must make their conquests by moral agencies. If these are not sufficient, the conquest is robbery. By allowing to our people

In establishing commercial and other business relations with and in the territories of our neighbors, they beget a community of interest between us: they obtain a confidence and respect for our institutions and spread an acquaintance with many of their merits which in time work influences far more efficacious and permanent than were experienced from all the arbitrary codes ever proclaimed by the renowned lawgivers of antiquity. A monthly line of merchant vessels from New York to Mexico, would do more than a wilderness of Solons to shape and direct the public sentiment of the Mexican people. Thus gradually would they be introduced to some of the conveniences of our institutions. They would be led of themselves to begin where the structure of every government should have its base, namely, in the township. They would learn how to manage local and municipal affairs, and would gradually extend their experience into the more complex relations of county and state governments. It is this habit of, and capacity for, self-government in our small districts, in our municipal corporations, in our ecclesiastical or elumosynary societies, that distinguish our people fundamentally from the Mexicans. "The native of New England," says De Toсqueville, " is attached to his township because it is independent and free: his coöperation in its affairs ensures his attachment to its interest; the well being it affords him secures his affection; and its welfare is the aim of his ambition and of his future exertions. He takes part in every occurrence in the place; he practices the art of government in the small sphere within his reach; he accustoms himself to those forms which can alone ensure the steady progress of liberty; he imbibes their spirit; he acquires a taste for order, comprehends the union or the balance of powers, and collects clear practical notions on the nature of his duties and the extent of his rights."

This is measurably true throughout the United States, but would not be true of the Mexicans in any particular. When, however, in the process of events, these elements of political education shall have found their way among them, as we trust they may at so excessive and incongruous that there

some future day, and they shall come to understand in some measure their relative duty to each other and to government, and can maintain for themselves individually their right to a free and equal representation before the law, let no one doubt that they will be but

was no prevailing and conservative public opinion which could direct the enacting or the administration of the laws. All despotisms grow out of similar necessity. They are generally established for the protection of the people, though, of course, perpetuated

too anxious to ally themselves with through ignorance and fear. So Mexthis republic, from which they will ico at present needs a much stronger have every thing to gain; and that an government than the United States. armed force will be as superfluous to effect the alliance as it has been to make the same purely acceptable to Texas. It is by its fruits that a good government shall be known; and when its merits shall become manifest, the nations of the earth will not be slow to imitate them. It is by moral influences such as these that this republic is to extend its sway-by a "wise and masterly inactivity" which will bring other nations at our feet, suppliants for protection, not for forbearance. It it is this same distrust of the popular

is in this wise, we make no doubt, that the whole of this vast continent is destined one day to subscribe to the Constitution of the United States; and if a gun be fired or a sword drawn to hasten the event, it will impair the value, if it do not procrastinate the period of the acquisition.

To maintain man's capacity for selfgovernment, be it observed, is not maintaining that that capacity is equal among all nations, at all times; or

Her people may govern themselves, but they have long since learned that their happiness is concerned in being protected by a much stronger central police, and a more restrictive constitution than the American people would submit to, and hence they leave to a few what they dare not trust to more. It is, after all, this mutual distrust among the Mexicans which makes them yield the management of public affairs so fully to individual rulers; and

intent which the world over gives the despot his perilous power.

There are other differences between the characters and tastes of the two nations which would render an alliance between them, within any defineable period, distasteful to the American people, but we have not time at present to indicate them. Indeed, we esteem the considerations above stated sufficiently controlling to justify our government in discouraging any policy calcu

that all can dispense with governmen- lated to hasten an event from which tal control in equal degrees. Even in we can apparently realize so little our own community, if a class of peo- good, and may realize so much harm. ple prove incompetent to use without We may seem to be taking a great abusing their liberty, we deny them deal for granted, in discussing thus the elective franchise, and perhaps shut early the consequences of extending them up in a Bedlam or a Penitentiary. our territorial limits further to the They are allowed all the liberty which, westward than the boundaries of Texas, if society were entirely composed of and to be unmindful of Mrs. Glass's insuch defective natures, they would structions in cooking a fish--first catch themselves concede to society. So if a it. We believe, however, that our

nation be ignorant and corrupt, or corruptible, its constituents will unite in tying each other up for their own protection. The Roman people made Augustus Emperor and prostrated the Senate, because that under their constitution, with an army and a population composed in controlling proportions of barbarians and slaves, they needed the protection of a vigorous government. They wanted some supreme power to whom try they have ascribed to a prevailing

the republic and its more wealthy citizens might be made accountable. The Jopulation of the Empire had become

word, if wise in itself, is not premature. It is an opinion dangerously prevalent among some of our over-wise politicians that the events of the late presidential election was determined entirely by the views which the successful candidates entertained in favor of the Annexation of Texas to this Union. The enthusiasm which this alliance has since awakened throughout the counappetite among our people for territorial acquisition. Misled by this conviction, every engine is likely to be employed in enlisting public favor by to consider, much sooner than is dreamed endeavoring to anticipate its tendency of by those who are most reckless in in this direction. If our party pre- giving the impulse. The feeling upon vailed by annexing Texas, why can- our western border, we are pained to not another by annexing Mexico, and a think anything but healthy upon this third by annexing Canada, and a subject; and if, as there is certainly fourth, when our neighbors are all ab- some reason to fear, we should be sorbed, by crossing the seas and annexing Ireland? This misapprehension of the true feeling which disposed this country to look with such favor upon the annexation of Texas is very

obliged, in self-defence, to assume an aggressive attitude towards Mexico, and our armies should once enter her territories, wise must be the statesman that can foresee an end short of abso

likely to produce the very state of lute subjugation at once, or by fomentpublic opinion which is erroneously ing a spirit of national hostility between supposed already to exist, and which us, which must ultimately lead to such would lead to that very result, the con- a result. sequences of which we have endeavored

ARNOLD'S LECTURES ON MODERN HISTORY.

racterises Mitford, as "a writer who considers it the greatest business of history to place royalty in the most favorable light;" and his "History of Greece" as "a work which, though cast in an historical form, is intended not to give historical information, but to state opinions, and then to give such facts as square with them." Even where no strong prejudice or natural penchant for falsehood leads a writer to pervert facts, he is often disingenuous from the mere desire to display his capacity in arrangement and argumentation. In the present century, it has been too much the custom to consider unsettled questions merely as good occasions for interminable arguments. writer chooses his side, and then forces his logic and rhetoric into its championship. Interest or accident determines the position he takes, and his intellect is tasked, not to ascertain the truth, but to frame plausible "facts" and arguments to sustain his position. Rectitude of understanding is a rare merit in contemporary literature; there "Reason panders will." Dr. Arnold was singularly free from this intellectual immorality. Though from the impetuosity

No person can read one of Dr. Arnold's books without being impressed with the fearless honesty of the man. He must have been one of the truesthearted men that ever existed. The spirit that animates his productions realises the strictest requisitions of literary ethics; and this spirit will keep them alive long after the death of many books containing more positive truth, and displaying greater breadth of understanding. He influences his readers as much by the conviction he gives them of his earnestness and rectitude, as by his intellectual attainments and force of thought. They know that he will mislead them by no sophism or prejudice which has not first misled himself; that if his mind seizes the truth, the truth it will express, at all hazards. This direct honesty of character, this freedom from the badinage and monkey tricks of the logical faculty, is a very great and a very rare merit. A considerable portion of literature is the exponent of a different spirit. There are, comparatively, few authors in whom complete confidence can be reposed; who are wholly sincere, and make their readers their confidants. Bishop Thirlwall happily cha- of his temperament, and the ardor of

A

* Introductory Lectures on Modern History. By Thomas Arnold, D. D. Edited from the second London edition, with a Preface and Notes. By Henry Reed, M. A. New York: D. Appleton & Co. 1 vol. 12mo.