during the medieval time of ignorance was derived; thence, about the middle of the eleventh century, itinerant scholars, educated in the Moorish schools, travelled out into France, Germany, and England, and undertook the education of the youth of those nations; and the academies which they formed were the germs whence sprang the Universities and seats of learning afterwards established in Europe. They assumed the latter form during the thirteenth century. Saracen Spain was therefore the first to apply the impulse to Europe, out of which grew the after-Revival of Learning, Literature, and Civilisation: her schools became the fountain whence a small but ever-widening stream of knowledge first flowed into Europe in these Middle Ages.

In these early schools the science and philosophy of Aristotle were the main subjects of education, and this, after the Arabian method, was kept purely secular. But could the Church look quietly on at this great movement, and allow secular education to proceed without her interference-allow, in fact, the minds of the people to be enlightened with information and learning, untinctured with Church doctrine? Not so, Priestcraft did then what it has so frequently done,-after preventing measures of reform and progress as long as possible, when they become inevitable, it ever seeks to take the guidance of them into its own hands, and make them subserve its own purposes. So with the Aristotelian philosophy and science; the Church would fain have prevented its influx, but as it had come she would bind it in the fetters of theology. Lest we should be thought to exaggerate in saying this, we produce orthodox testimony on the subject:- Towards the middle of the "eleventh century," writes the Church historian, “his (i.e. Aristotle's) philo'sophy was taught, after the Arabian method, in the public schools; and though, in the first instance, it was confined to the illustration of profane "subjects, yet as men became commonly imbued with its principles, and as "the whole system, political and moral, in those days was interwoven with "religious, or, at least, with ecclesiastical, considerations, it was not long "before the prevalent system passed obsequiously into the service of theo"logy."* This explains the rise and aims of the Schoolmen, who were mainly ecclesiastics, and most of them (though not all, as we shall see) used the science of Aristotle in the service of the Church, and sought to strengthen, by means of philosophy, the grounds of faith. In this way, for centuries after the first reawakening of reason, priestly fetters were kept upon men's minds; Aristotle was pressed into the service of the Church, his science and philosophy became theological, and his memory received Christian baptism. At the time of the first establishment of the Saracen schools, the only Latin translation of any portion of Aristotle was his logic; and so it was the art of disputation played so large a part amongst the Schoolmen. Under Church patronage (awarded for the reasons already named) the logic of Aristotle became viewed with equal reverence to the Bible itself.

The evils which were brought down upon Europe throughout those Middle Ages were mainly the work of the priest; or were the results of causes set in operation by him for his own nefarious purposes; while whatever of benefit to man intellectually was achieved during that period, was attained, not only without the assistance, but in spite of the Church. It would, however, be a great mistake to suppose that humanity gained nothing by means of those centuries; the work they did was necessary to the onward progress of man. That it might and would, but for the Church, have been done differently and much more rapidly, is however quite certain. But apart from * Waddington. Hist. Church, Lib. Useful Knowledge, p. 471.

that, the overthrow of the systems of antiquity, and the infusion of new elements into the ancient civilisation, were necessary; and this overthrow was effected, and these elements were supplied by the irruption of the outlying barbarians. Thus was a new civilisation born, and new possibilities of progress achieved. In other words, out of the mixture of the Roman, the Ġerman, and the Celt, a new man was made. While yet in his simple infancy, the Church caught this new man and made a slave of him. Another, and an alien race, the Saracens, supplied him with the first seeds of education; logic called his reasoning powers into activity, and the strife began between the Church and the awakened intellect of Europe. The Church then sought to turn logic to her own uses, but truth and the law of progress were mightier than Priestcraft; ere long she tried a sterner logic, that of the thumbscrew and the rack, but that, too, failed. Meanwhile logic was rousing men to active thought, and preparing the way for the scientific discoveries of an after time, by which the reign of Priest craft and Superstition has been broken, and the way gradually opened for the reception of new and higher forms of religious truth. Against Superstition logic and speculation alone could effect but little, but when, later on, the day of scientific discovery arrived, then was the knell of Priestcraft tolled, and the days of Superstition numbered. 'Tis true, both these evil influences still have a lingering existence among us but the work then begun has not flagged, nor will it; the issue of the contest is not uncertain, and a time will come when the Church of Priestcraft and man the priest, will be known no more. JAS. L. GOODING.

LIFE AND DOCTRINES OF KHOUNG-FOU-TSZE

(CONFUCIUS).

§ 3. THE MORNING OF LIFE AND ITS LESSIONS

IN the year 527, B.C., the death of his mother for a time brought the public employment of Confucius to a close. It was customary in China for the officials to abandon their office in order to perform the rites of mourning, and the young philosopher was about the last of men to break through a custom of that character. He buried her with his father at Fang-shan, observing that 'we are 'bound to equal duty to both our parents, and that they who were united * during life should not be separated in death.' Acting upon his own ideas of what is due in such cases, and desiring to impress his views upon his fellowcountrymen, he had her corpse removed to its last resting-place in a style of magnificence strangely at variance with the simple habits of his life; but there was an aim in this beyond that of exhibiting his filial piety. It was part of his doctrine, taught even thus early in his career, that the dead should be disposed of in a more becoming manner than then was the rule. Persons went out and dug a hole in some piece of waste ground, into which the dead body was placed, without ceremony or public manifestation of sorrow. He contended that it was degrading to man, the lord of the earth, when the breath had departed from his frame, to treat it like the carcass of a brute; and that the common practice was repugnant to that mutual regard and affection which mankind ought to cherish towards one another. This, however, was not the limit of his teaching, for he added that by repeating at stated times acts of homage and respect to our ancestors, either at the spot where their remains were deposited, or before some representation of them in private

dwellings, a remembrance of the immediate authors of our being would be kept alive in our minds, as well as the glow of filial piety and affection; whilst the same practice, continued by our descendants, perpetuated as it were our own existence. This was the first great reform in the manners of his countrymen that he succeeded in effecting. It was the revival of an old custom, so modified and extended as to suit the condition of the age; but, unhappily, it bore within itself the seeds of evil. Had all men equalled this Reformer in virtue and thought, then no evil could have accrued from the practice; but being what they were, the system has degenerated into a worship of ancestors alike absurd and immoral.*

But although Confucius attended to the funeral obsequies in such a manner as to make them serviceable as teaching, we shall err greatly if the natural inference that he did not deeply feel the loss of his mother be allowed to remain upon our minds. He had arrived at that age when in Europe it is generally believed filial piety has settled down into a sort of calm friendship, and when the exhibition of deep grief for the loss of parents is viewed as a mark of weakness. And it is true that, considering the claims of a rising family, in connection with the plain way in which Nature teaches that all must die, there is no small measure of truth in what the Stoics teach-that such grief should be avoided. Yet, why waste breath, when it is so powerless to change the course of action, and so impotent to control the feelings? Besides, is it not good to have our share of sorrow? The baptism of grief is the renewal of life unto all who have any depth and nobleness of nature. Men do not comprehend the conditions, the inherent difficulties, and, above all, the real sanctity of life, until they have been plunged somewhat deeply into the sea of sorrow. As for the sage of China, no more fortunate accident could have overtaken him at the age of twenty-three. He had already seen enough of public life and its leaders, to be able in his study to comprehend the true springs of their action; he was standing in the position of one who had the prospect of rapidly becoming the Chief Minister of State, when all his powers would have been exhausted in public life, and the world would have been left the poorer of the Confucian philosophy.

Three years were allotted, according to the custom, to mourning, and during that period Confucius applied himself to the study of the ancient literature of his country, which seems even then to have been very extensive. It was rich in history, poetry, and philosophy, for, although disfigured by superstitious ideas, and unequal in breadth to the compositions of modern Europe, it was quite as rich in thought and earnestness. To the study of the ancients the philosopher added practice of the ceremonies, the use of arms, of diving, the study of arithmetic, writing, and music, to the latter of which he was especially attached. Thus the three years passed away without heaviness, each day leaving some new truth upon his mind. But when they had expired he was unwilling to resume his official duties. He had commenced as a man who knew everything, and had now arrived at the conclusion that, comparatively speaking, he knew nothing. Instead of resuming office, he resolved to devote himself still more earnestly to the pursuit of wisdom, and then it was that his fame, as one of the wisest, began to be spread abroad. Visitors came from various parts to obtain answers to their questions; some went away very much disappointed, while others remained to study as his disciples, and from this period he always had a body of attached followers. Among those who sent to inquire his opinion upon various subjects

"Asiatic Journal," vol. 41, p; 19.

was the king of Yu, who desired to be informed "what course of conduct "he should pursue in order to govern wisely." Confucius informed the messenger that being wholly unacquainted with both the king and the people he could not give him the detailed answer that was desirable. But," added he "if he desire to learn from me what the ancient sovereigns would have "done in any specific emergency, I shall be glad to furnish the information, 'for, in that case, I shall speak of facts." It is reported that this reply led the monarch to invite the philosopher to visit Yu, where he earnestly applied himself to the reform of laws and manners, and introduced various ceremonies, such as were practised in Loo.

The king desired to retain Confucius in his service, but he had resolved to see a little more of the world. At his departure he said to his royal patron, "I cannot leave you. without impressing upon yon an ancient sentiment.

A

sovereign who meditates changes and improvements in his state, should not "begin them till he has acquired all the information on the subject he can gain "from the practice of his neighbours." To this he added that the sentiment had convinced him of a fact to which hitherto he had not paid sufficient attention that a man must travel to learn. This was now his plan-he would visit the various petty states, into which, practically, China was at that time divided. There was verbal unity, but actual division. The emperor had authority over all the states; but he had no means of enforcing it. The land was broken up into petty kingdoms, and the monarchs were only formally submissive to the central power. Into these kingdoms, in order to study their course of life, the philosopher resolved to make his way, and to carry out his resolve was not difficult, for his fame was rapidly spreading through them all.

It appears, however, that at this period of his life he only visited the kingdoms of Wei, Tsae, and Kin, before settling down for the first time as a teacher. In the last he perfected himself in music under a professor of great reputation,' and in the first he was near losing his life in one of their miserable wars. Escaping from the difficulties he returned to his native kingdom, where he promptly refused to accept office, saying, "I devote my"self to mankind in the aggregate; I dedicate my hours to the acquisition of "knowledge, that I may be useful to them. I am but in my thirtieth year, a "time of life when the mind is in all its vigour, and the body in its full "strength." It was at this period that he first converted his residence into a sort of school for adults, to which 'all who lived virtuous lives' had free access. The rich and poor were equally welcome; they conversed about the various branches of knowledge and science, and the philosoper was ever ready to impart the information he had collected. This, however, was but the early seed of his plan, for the school lasted only one year, when he again went forth to observe and learn.

It is quite evident that he was too deeply dissatisfied with his small share of knowledge to continue the task of a teacher; and daily he had grown stronger in the conviction that it is only through an enlarged observation of the world that a man can qualify himself for furnishing practical instruction. The mere closet philosopher weaves beautiful but unpractical theories. He sees the course men should pursue, but not how they are to be induced to pursue it. He wastes his life, without preserving the lives of others. Confucius had absorbed into himself all that Chinese history and philosophy could give, but he knew that he could not use it wisely until, through an enlarged practical acquaintance with mankind, he had obtained the key to its written verities.

* "Asiatic Jour.," New Series, vol. 1, p. 20.

That key he obtained during the travels he now paid to the various courts. The King of Tse invited him to his Court; he accepted the invitation, and, dismissing the bulk of his followers, retained only thirteen disciples. By their aid he tried to introduce reforms in the state, but after twelve months' labour he abandoned the effort in despair-the people could not comprehend either his method or his aims.

About this time the emperor died, and the young monarch_sent an invitation to the Sage, "Come, and see, and reform.’ He went, but failed to effect any great good. A Minister of State, a man who knew everything, and who was strong in his office, inquired of him, "And pray what is your "doctrine? How am I to begin to aqcuire wisdom ?" adding, " Pray tell me "something which may he easily acquired, and as easily practised.' A real statesman that; and doubtless a sneer played over his face while condescending to acknowledge that anything remained to be learnt by so great a man. The following answer of the philosopher is exceedingly simple, but full of meaning: "With reference to your high position, I advise you to bear this "maxim in mind, that steel, be it ever so hard, is liable to be broken; that which appears to be the most firm, may often be most easily destroyed." A great lesson lies in that answer, although compressed into so small a compass. By forgetting it, the proudest monarchs have been humbled, and the greatest empires cast into irretrievable ruin.

He remained for some months at the Imperial Court, studying living men, alternately with old records; but when he contemplated the vices of the powerful, and the authority of the ignorant, a feeling of sorrow took possession of his heart, which caused him to return again to Tse, where, however, as yet, no fruit appeared as the result of the years of labour he had devoted to it. Shortly afterwards he returned home to Loo, where he abode through the following ten years, writing, teaching, and taking part in the administration. To the lessons he taught we shall devote our next paper. This we conclude with the incident connected with his resumption of office in a comparatively low station. The Ministers were alarmed on hearing of his return, fearing that he might influence the king to effect reforms which would be injurious to their interests. Hoping to disgust the philosopher, they presuaded the king to nominate him to a petty office in expectancy-an office that would keep him from the Court. His followers were offended, but Confucius accepted it, urging that were he to refuse, it would be supposed that he was proud; and he asked, "What good effect would my instructions have "if it were supposed that I am actuated by such a passion?" Three years after, and when a new king had ascended the throne, a king who was governed by a base and selfish minister, who had driven all good men from the Court, Confucius threw up his office, and his disciples thought him inconsistent, but he defended himself thus: "When I was offered an inferior post, "I was bound, for the sake of example, not to refuse it. They who offered it, moreover, were the legitimate representatives of the Sovereign, and it is the duty of a subject to serve his king in whatever post he is chosen to fill, "provided he be not required to do what is manifestly wrong. The case is "now changed. They who administer the Sovereign's power, and dispense "dignities and offices, are odious usurpers, and to exercise any functions "under them is, in some measure, to sanction their usurpation. Thus, for the sake of example, as well as out of a regard to duty, I am bound to "reject with disdain what I once accepted with gratitude.'

دو

P. W. P.