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been built in the Middle Ages; and above this a curious hillock, with an artificial rock-platform, called el 'Oreimeh, "the little knoll." Immediately to the north-east a precipice projects to the lake, and the aqueduct from the Tâbghah spring is led to an ancient rock-cut channel, which seems to have been once intended for a road in the face of the cliff. In the 17th century Quaresmius speaks of this place, Minyeh, as the site of Capernaum. In the 14th Isaac Chelo was apparently shown the same site as containing the tomb of Nahum, and as being the "city of the Minai." The "Minai," or "sorcerers," are mentioned in the Talmud, and by this title the Jews stigmatized the early Christians; and these "Minai" are called in one passage of the Talmud sons of Capernaum." There is thus a close connexion between this Minyeh-named from the Minai-and the town of Capernaum. The position of the site is also suitable for that of Capernaum, being in the plain of Gennesareth, two miles from the "round spring," or fountain of Capharnaum. No other site of any importance exists in the plain of Gennesareth. See CAPERNAUM.

South of the plain of Gennesareth is the undisputed site of the New Testament town of Magdala. A few lotus trees and some rock-cut tombs are here found beside a miserable mud hamlet on the hill slope, with a modern tomb-house or kubbeh. Passing beneath rugged cliffs a recess in the hills is next reached, where stands Tabarîya, the ancient Tiberias or Rakkath, containing 3000 inhabitants, more than half of whom are Jews. The walls, flanked with round towers, and now partly destroyed by the earthquake of 1837, were built by Dhahr el 'Amr, as was the serai or court-house. The two mosques, now partly ruinous, were erected by his sons. There are remains of a crusading church, and the tomb of the celebrated Maimonides is shown in the town, while Rabbi Akiba and Rabbi Meir lie buried outside. The ruins of the ancient city, including granite columns and traces of a sea-wall with towers, stretch southwards a mile beyond the modern town. An aqueduct in the cliff once brought water a distance of 9 miles from the south,

Kerak, at the south end of the lake, is an important site on a peninsula surrounded by the water of the lake, by the Jordan, and by a broad water ditch, while on the north-west a narrow neck of land remains. The plateau thus enclosed is partly artificial, and banked up 50 or 60 feet above the water. A ruined citadel remains on the north-west, and on the east was a bridge over the Jordan; broken pottery and fragments of sculptured stone strew the site. The ruin of Kerak answers to the description given by Josephus of the city of Tariches, which lay 30 stadia from Tiberias, the hot baths being between the two cities. Tarichem was situated, as is Kerak, on the shore below the cliffs, and partly surrounded by water, while before the city was a plain (the Ghôr). Pliny further informs us that Tariche was at the south end of the Sea of Galilee. Sinnabreh, a ruin on a spur of the hills close to the last mentioned site, is undoubtedly the ancient Sinnabris, where Vespasian (Joseph., B. J., iii. 9, 7) fixed his camp, advancing from Scythopolis (Beisân) on Tariches and Tiberias. Sinnabris was 30 stadia from Tiberias, or about the distance of the ruin now existing.

The eastern shores of the Sea of Galilee have been less fully explored than the western, and the sites are not so perfectly recovered. The town of Hippos, one of the cities of Decapolis, was situated 30 stadia from Tiberias, and 60 stadia from Gadara (Umm Keis). It is conjectured that the town Susitha, mentioned in the Talmud, is the same place, and the name Susyeh seems to have existed east of the Sea of Galilee at a late period. Susitha from "sus," meaning "horse," is, etymologically at least, suggestive of the Greek hippos." The site is at present unknown. Kalat el Hosn (" castle of the stronghold") is a ruin on a

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rocky spur opposite Tiberias. Two large ruined buildings remain, with traces of an old street and fallen columns and capitals. A strong wall once surrounded the town; a narrow neck of land exists on the east where the rock has been scarped. Rugged valleys enclose the site on the north and south; broken sarcophagi and rock-cut tombs are found beneath the ruin. This site answers to the description Josephus gives of Gamala, an important fortress besieged by Vespasian (Bell. Jud., iv. 1, 1). Gersa, an insignificant ruin north of the last, is thought to represent the Gerasa or Gergesa of the 4th century, situated east of the lake; and the projecting spur of hill south of this ruin is conjectured to be the place where the swine violently down a steep place" (Matt. viii. 32). The site of Bethsaida Julias, east of Jordan, is also unknown. It has been supposed (and the theory is supported by even so important an authority as Reland) that two separate places named Bethsaida are mentioned in the New Testament. The grounds for this conclusion are, however, very insufficient; and only one Bethsaida is mentioned by Josephus. It was near the Jordan inlet, on the east side of the river, and under its later Greek name of Julias, it is mentioned, with Hippos, by Pliny. The site usually pointed out is the ruin of et Tell, north of the Batîhah plain; the remains are, however, modern and insignificant. Just south of the same plain is a ruined village called Mes'aidîyeh, the name of which approaches Bethsaida in sound but not in meaning. This is the site pointed out by Vandevelde, and it is possible that the course of Jordan has shifted westwards, and that the old mouth is marked by the two creeks running into the shore on the east, in which case the site of Mes'aidîyeh might be accepted as the Bethsaida of the gospels, which appears to have been east of Jordan.

Literature. The most important works on the subject of Galilee and the Sea of Galilee are the following:-Robinson's Biblical Researches; Stanley's Sinai and Palestine; Tristram's Land of Israel; Warren and Wilson's Recovery of Jerusalem; Conder's Tent Work in Palestine; and the Memoirs of the Survey of Palestine (sheets 1-6, 8, 9). (C. R. C.)

GALILEO. Galileo Galilei (1564-1642), one of the earliest and greatest of experimental philosophers, was born at Pisa, February 18, 1564. His father, Vincenzo, was an impoverished descendant of a noble Florentine house, which had exchanged the surname of Bonajuti for that of Galilei, on the election, in 1343, of one of its members, Galileo de' Bonajuti, to the college of the twelve Buonuomini. The family, which was fifteen times represented in the signoria, and in 1445 gave a gonfalonier to Florence, flourished with the republic and declined with its fall. Vincenzo Galilei was a man of better parts than fortune. He was a competent mathematician, wrote with considerable ability on the theory and practice of music, and was especially distinguished amongst his contemporaries for the grace and skill of his performance upon the lute. By his wife, Giulia de' Ammannati of Pistoja, he had two sons, Galileo and Michelangiolo, and two daughters, Virginia and Livia. From his earliest childhood Galileo was remarkable for intellectual aptitude, as well as for mechanical invention. His favourite pastime was the construction of toy-machines, not the less original and ingenious that their successful working was usually much hindered by the scarcity of suitable materials. His application to literary studies was equally conspicuous. In the monastery of Vallombrosa, near Florence, where his education was principally conducted, he not only made himself acquainted with the best Latin authors, but acquired a fair command of the Greek tongue, thus laying the foundation of the brilliant and elegant style for which his writings were afterwards distinguished. From one of the monks he also received instruction in logic, according to the system then in vogue,; but the futilities of the science revolted, while its subtleties

failed to interest his understanding, and he was soon permitted to abandon a study so distasteful to him. A document published by M. Selmi in 1864 proves that he was at this time so far attracted towards a religious life as to have joined the novitiate of the order; but his father, who had other designs for him, seized the opportunity of an attack of ophthalmia to withdraw him permanently from the care of the monks. Having had personal experience of the unremunerative character both of music and of mathematics, he desired that his son should apply himself to the more profitable study of medicine, and, not without some straining of his slender resources, placed him, before he had completed his eighteenth year, at the university of Pisa. He accordingly matriculated, November 5, 1581, and immediately entered upon attendance at the lectures of the celebrated physician and botanist, Andrea Cesalpino.

The natural gifts of the young student, not less multifarious than those of an earlier Tuscan prodigy, Leonardo da Vinci, seemed at this time equally ready to develop in any direction towards which choice or hazard might incline them. In musical skill and invention he already vied with the best professors of the art in Italy; his personal taste would have led him to choose painting as his profession, and one of the most eminent artists of his day, Lodovico Cigoli, owned that to his judgment and counsel he was mainly indebted for the success of his works; his wit and eloquence gave promise that he would one day add to the literary glories of his country; while his mathematical and mechanical genius only awaited a suitable opportunity for full display and development. In 1583, while watching the vibrations of the great bronze lamp still to be seen swinging from the roof of the cathedral of Pisa, he observed that, whatever the range of its oscillations, they were invariably executed in equal times. The experimental verification of this fact led him to the important discovery of the isochronism of the pendulum. He at first applied the new principle to pulse-measurement, and more than fifty years later turned it to account in the construction of an astronomical clock. Up to this time he was entirely ignorant of mathematics, his father having carefully held him aloof from a study which he rightly apprehended would lead to his total alienation from that of medicine. Accident, however, frustrated this purpose. A lesson in geometry, given by Ostilio Ricci to the pages of the grandducal court, then temporarily resident at Pisa, chanced to have Galileo for an unseen listener; his attention was riveted, his dormant genius was roused, and he threw all his energies into the new pursuit thus unexpectedly presented to him. With Ricci's assistance, he rapidly mastered the elements of the science, and eventually extorted his father's reluctant permission to exchange Hippocrates and Galen for Euclid and Archimedes. In 1586 he was withdrawn from the university, through lack of means, before he had taken a degree, and returned to Florence, where his family habitually resided. We next hear of him as lecturing before the Florentine Academy on the site and dimensions of Dante's Inferno; and he shortly afterwards published an essay descriptive of his invention of the hydrostatical balance, which rapidly made his name known throughout Italy. His first patron was the Marchese Guidubaldo del Monte of Pesaro, a man eminent for his scientific attainments, as well as influential by his family connexions. At his request he wrote, in 1588, a treatise on the centre of gravity in solids, which obtained for him, together with the title of "the Archimedes of his time,' the honourable though not lucrative post of mathematical lecturer at the Pisan university. During the ensuing two years (1589-91) he carried on that remarkable series of experiments, by which he established the first principles of dynamical science, and by which he earned for himself the

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undying hostility of the bigoted Aristotelians of that day. From the leaning tower of Pisa he afforded to all the professors and students of the university ocular demonstration of the falsehood of the Peripatetic dictum that heavy bodies fall with velocities proportional to their weights, and with unanswerable logic demolished all the time-honoured maxims of the schools regarding the motion of projectiles, and elemental weight or levity. But while he convinced, he failed to conciliate his adversaries. The keen sarcasm of his polished rhetoric was not calculated to soothe the susceptibilities of men already smarting under the deprivation of their most cherished illusions. He seems, in addition, to have compromised his position with the grand-ducal family by the imprudent candour with which he condemned a machine for clearing the port of Leghorn, invented by Giovanni de' Medici, an illegitimate son of Cosmo I. Princely favour being withdrawn, private rancour was free to show itself. He was publicly hissed at his lecture, and found it prudent to resign his professorship and withdraw to Florence in 1591. Through the death of his father in July of that year family cares and responsibilities devolved upon him as eldest son, and thus his nomination to the chair of mathematics at the university of Padua, secured by the influence of the Marchese Guidubaldo with the Venetian senate, was welcome, as affording a relief from pecuniary embarrassment, no less than as opening a field for scientific distinction. His residence at Padua, which extended over a period of eighteen years, from 1592 to 1610, was a course of uninterrupted prosperity. His appointment was three times renewed, on each occasion with expressions of the highest esteem on the part of the governing body, and his yearly salary was progressively raised from 180 to 1000 florins. His lectures were attended by persons of the highest distinction from all parts of Europe, and such was the charm of his demonstrations that a hall capable of containing 2000 people had eventually to be assigned for the accommodation of the overflowing audiences which they attracted. His ingenious invention of the proportional compasses-an instrument still used in geometrical drawing-dates from 1597; and about the same time he constructed the first thermometer, consisting of a bulb and tube filled with air and water, and terminating in a vessel of water. In this instrument, the results of varying atmospheric pressure were not distinguishable from the expansive and contractive effects of heat and cold, and it became an efficient measure of temperature only when Rinieri, in 1646, introduced the improvement of hermetically sealing the liquid in glass. The substitution, in 1670, of mercury for water completed the modern thermometer.

Galileo seems, at an early period of his life, to have adopted the Copernican theory of the solar system, and was deterred from avowing his opinions-as is proved by his letter to Kepler of August 4, 1597-by the fear of ridicule rather than of persecution. The appearance, in September 1604, of a new star in the constellation Serpentarius,. afforded him indeed an opportunity, of which he eagerly availed himself, for making an onslaught upon the Aristotelian axiom of the incorruptibility of the heavens; but he continued to conform his public teachings in the main to Ptolemaic principles, until the discovery of a novel and potent implement of research placed at his command startling and hitherto unsuspected evidence as to the constitution and mutual relations of the heavenly bodies. was not the original inventor of the telescope.1 That 1 The word telescope, from Tîλe, far, σkоnéw, to view, was invented by Demiscianus, an eminent Greek scholar, at the request of Prince Cesi, president of the Lyncean Academy. It was used by Galileo as early as 1612, but was not introduced into English until much later. Astronomy, as a term requiring explanation, trunk or cylinder boing In 1655 the word telescope was inserted in Bagwell's Mysteries of commonly used instead.


honour must be assigned to Hans Lippershey, an obscure | Quirinal Palace the telescopic wonders of the heavens to optician of Middleburg, who, on the 21st of October 1608, the most eminent personages at the pontifical court. Enoffered to the states of Holland three instruments by which couraged by the flattering reception accorded to him, he the apparent size of remote objects was increased. But ventured, in his Letters on the Solar Spots, printed at Rome here his glory ends, and that of Galileo begins. The in 1613, to take up a more decided position towards that rumour of the new invention, which reached Venice in doctrine on the establishment of which, as he avowed in a April or May 1609, was sufficient to set the Italian philo- letter to Belisario Vinta, secretary to the grand-duke, “all sopher on the track; and after one night's profound his life and being henceforward depended." Even in the meditation on the principles of refraction, he succeeded in time of Copernicus some well-meaning persons had susproducing a telescope of threefold magnifying power. Upon pected a discrepancy between the new view of the solar this first attempt he rapidly improved, until he attained to system and certain passages of Scripture a suspicion a power of thirty-two, and his instruments, of which he strengthened by the anti-Christian inferences drawn from manufactured hundreds with his own hands, were soon in it by Giordano Bruno; but the question was never formally request in every part of Europe. Two lenses only-a plano- debated until Galileo's brilliant discoveries, enhanced by convex and a plano-concave- —were needed for the composition his formidable dialectic and enthusiastic zeal, irresistibly of each, and this simple principle is that still employed in challenged for it the attention of the authorities. Although the construction of opera-glasses. Galileo's direction of his he earnestly deprecated the raising of the theological issue, new instrument to the heavens formed an era in the history and desired nothing better than permission to pursue unof astronomy. Discoveries followed upon it with astound- molested his physical demonstrations, it must be admitted ing rapidity and in bewildering variety. The Sidereus that, the discussion once set on foot, he threw himself into Nuncius, published at Venice in the early part of 1610, it with characteristic impetuosity, and thus helped to precontained the first-fruits of the new mode of investigation, cipitate a decision which it was his ardent wish to avert. which were sufficient to startle and surprise the learned on In December 1613 a Benedictine monk named Benedetto both sides of the Alps. The mountainous configuration of Castelli, at that time professor of mathematics at the unithe moon's surface was there first described, and the so- versity of Pisa, wrote to inform Galileo of a recent discuscalled " phosphorescence" of the dark portion of our sion at the grand-ducal table, in which he had been called satellite attributed to its true cause-namely, illumination upon to defend the Copernican doctrine against theological by sun-light reflected from the earth.1 All the time-worn objections. This task Castelli, who was a steady friend and fables and conjectures regarding the composition of the disciple of the Tuscan astronomer, seems to have discharged Milky Way were at once dissipated by the simple statement with moderation and success. Galileo's answer, written, that to the eye, reinforced by the telescope, it appeared as as he said himself, currente calamo, was an exposition of a a congeries of lesser stars, while the great nebulæ were formal theory as to the relations of physical science to Holy equally declared to be resolvable into similar elements. Writ, still further developed in an elaborate apology adBut the discovery which was at once perceived to be most dressed by him in the following year (1614) to Christina important in itself, and most revolutionary in its effects, of Lorraine, dowager grand-duchess of Tuscany. was that of Jupiter's satellites, first seen by Galileo satisfied with explaining adverse texts, he met his opponJanuary 7, 1610, and by him named Sidera Medicea, in ents with unwise audacity on their own ground, and endeahonour of the grand-duke of Tuscany, Cosmo II., who had voured to produce scriptural confirmation of a system which been his pupil, and was about to become his employer. An to the ignorant many seemed an incredible paradox, and to illustration is, with the general run of mankind, more the scientific few was a beautiful but daring innovation. powerful to convince than an argument; and the cogency The rising agitation on the subject which, originating proof the visible plea for the Copernican theory offered by the bably with the sincere upholders of the integrity of Scripminiature system, then for the first time disclosed to view, ture, was fomented for their own purposes by the rabid was recognizable in the triumph of its advocates, as well Aristotelians of the schools, was heightened rather than as in the increased acrimony of its opponents. allayed by these manifestoes, and on the fourth Sunday of the following Advent found a voice in the pulpit of Santa Maria Novella. Padre Caccini's denunciation of the new astronomy was indeed disavowed and strongly condemned by his superiors; nevertheless, on the 5th of February 1615, another Dominican monk named Lorini laid Galileo's letter to Castelli before the Inquisition.

In September 1610 Galileo finally abandoned Padua for Florence. His researches with the telescope had been rewarded by the Venetian senate with the appointment for life to his professorship, at an unprecedentedly high salary. His discovery of the "Medicean Stars" was acknowledged by his nomination (July 12, 1610) as philosopher and mathematician extraordinary to the grand-duke of Tuscany. The emoluments of this office, which involved no duties save that of continuing his scientific labours, were fixed at 1000 scudi; and it was the desire of increased leisure, rather than the promptings of local patriotism, which induced him to accept an offer, the first suggestion of which had indeed come from himself. Before the close of 1610 the memorable cycle of discoveries begun in the previous year was completed by the observation of the ansated or, as it appeared to Galileo, triple form of Saturn (the ring-formation was first recognized by Huygens in 1655), of the phases of Venus, and of the spots upon the sun. Although his priority in several of these discoveries has been contested, inquiry has in each case proved favourable to his claims. In the spring of 1611 he visited Rome, and exhibited in the gardens of the

Leonardo da Vinci, more than a hundred years earlier, hau come to the same conclusion.


Cardinal Robert Bellarmine was at that time by far the most influential member of the Sacred College. He was a man of vast learning and upright piety, but, although personally friendly to Galileo, there is no doubt that he saw in his scientific teachings a danger to religion. The year 1615 seems, however, to have been a period of suspense. Galileo received, as the result of a conference between Cardinals Bellarmine and Del Monte, a semi-official warning to avoid theology, and limit himself to physical reasoning. "Write freely," he was told by Monsignor Dini, "but keep outside the sacristy." Unfortunately, he had already cornmitted himself to dangerous ground. In December he repaired personally to Rome, full of confidence that the weight of his arguments and the vivacity of his eloquence could not fail to convert the entire pontifical court to his views. He was cordially received, and eagerly listened to, but his imprudent ardour served but to injure his cause. On the 24th of February 1616 the consulting theologians of the Holy Office characterized the two propositions-that the sun


is immovable in the centre of the world, and that the earth has a diurnal motion of rotation-the first as “ absurd in philosophy, and formally heretical, because expressly contrary to Holy Scripture," and the second as 'open to the same censure in philosophy, and at least erroneous as to faith." Two days later Galileo was, by command of the pope (Paul V.), summoned to the palace of Cardinal Bellarmine, and there officially admonished not thenceforward to "hold, teach, or defend" the condemned doctrine. This injunction he promised to obey. On the 5th of March the Congregation of the Index issued a decree reiterating, with the omission of the word "heretical," the censure of the theologians, suspending, usque corrigatur, the great work of Copernicus, De Revolutionibus orbium cœlestium, and absolutely prohibiting a treatise by a Carmelite monk named Foscarini, which treated the same subject from a theological point of view.

At the same time it was given to be under

stood that the new theory of the solar system might be held ex hypothesi, and the trivial verbal alterations introduced into the Polish astronomer's book in 1620, when the work of revision was completed by Cardinal Gaetani, confirmed this interpretation. This edict, it is essential to observe, of which the responsibility rests with a disciplinary congregation in no sense representing the church, was never confirmed by the pope, and was virtually repealed in 1757 under Benedict XIV.

Galileo returned to Florence three months later, not ill pleased, as his letters testify, with the result of his visit to Rome. He brought with him, for the refutation of calumnious reports circulated by his enemies, a written certificate from Cardinal Bellarmine, to the effect that no abjuration had been required of or penance imposed upon him. During a prolonged audience, he had received from the pope assurances of private esteem and personal protection; and he trusted to his dialectical ingenuity to find the means of presenting his scientific convictions under the transparent veil of an hypothesis. Although a sincere Catholic, he seems to have laid but little stress on the secret admonition of the Holy Office, which his sanguine temperament encouraged him gradually to dismiss from his mind. He preserved no written memorandum of its terms, and it was represented to him, according to his own deposition in 1633, solely by Cardinal Bellarmine's certificate, in which, for obvious reasons, it was glossed over rather than expressly recorded. For seven years, however, during which he led a life of studious retirement in the Villa Segni at Bellosguardo, near Florence, he maintained an almost uubroken silence. At the end of that time he appeared in public with his Saggiatore, a polemical treatise written in reply to the Libra Astronomica of Padre Grassi (under the pseudonym of Lotario Sarsi), the Jesuit astronomer of the Collegio Romano. The subject in debate was the nature of comets, the conspicuous appearance of three of which bodies in the year 1618 furnished the occasion of the controversy. Galileo's views, although erroneous, since he held comets to be mere atmospheric emanations reflecting sunlight after the evanescent fashion of a halo or a rainbow, were expressed with such triumphant, vigour, and embellished with such telling sarcasms, that his opponent did not venture upon a reply. The Saggiatore was printed at Rome in October 1623, by the Academy of the Lincei, of which Galileo was a member, with a dedication to the new pope, Urban VIII., and notwithstanding some passages containing a covert defence of Copernican opinions, was received with acclamation by the ecclesiastical, no less than by the scientific authorities. Everything seemed now to promise a close of unbroken prosperity to Galileo's career. Maffeo Barberini, his warmest friend and admirer in the Sacred College, was, by the election of August 8, 1623, seated on the pontifical throne; and the marked distinction with


which he was received on his visit of congratulation to Rome in 1624 encouraged him to hope for the realization of his utmost wishes. He received every mark of private favour. The pope admitted him to six long audiences in the course of two months, wrote an enthusiastic letter to the grand-duke praising the great astronomer, not only for his distinguished learning, but also for his exemplary piety, and granted a pension to his son Vincenzo, which was afterwards transferred to himself, and paid, with some irregularities, to the end of his life. But on the subject of the decree of 1616, the revocation of which Galileo had hoped to obtain through his personal influence, he found him inexorable. Nevertheless, the sanguine philosopher trusted, not without reason, that it would at least be interpreted in a liberal spirit, and his friends encouraged his imprudent confidence by eagerly retailing to him every papal utterance which it was possible to construe in a favourable sense. Cardinal Hohenzollern Urban was reported to have said that the theory of the earth's motion had not been and could not be condemned as heretical, but only as rash; and in 1630 the learned Dominican monk Campanella wrote to Galileo that the pope had expressed to him in conversation his disapproval of the prohibitory decree. Thus, in the full anticipation of added renown, and without any misgiving as to ulterior consequences, Galileo set himself, on his return to Florence, to complete his famous but ill-starred work, the Dialogo dei due Massimi Sistemi del Mondo. Finished in 1630, it was not until January 1632 that it emerged from the presses of Landini at Florence. The book was orginally intended to appear in Rome, but unexpected obstacles interposed. The Lyncean Academy collapsed with the death of Prince Federigo Cesi, its founder and president; an outbreak of plague impeded communication between the various Italian cities; and the imprimatur was finally extorted, rather than accorded, under the pressure of private friendship and powerful interest. A tumult of applause from every part of Europe followed its publication; and it would be difficult to find in any language a book in which animation and elegance of style are so happily combined with strength and clearness of scientific exposition. Three interlocutors, named respectively Salviati, Sagredo, and Simplicio, take part in the four dialogues of which the work is composed. The first-named expounds the views of the author; the second is an eager and intelligent listener; the third represents a well-meaning but obtuse Peripatetic, whom the others treat at times with undisguised contempt. Salviati and Sagredo took their names from two of Galileo's early friends, the former a learned Florentine, the latter a distinguished Venetian gentleman; Simplicio ostensibly derived his from the Cilician commentator of Aristotle, but the choice was doubtless instigated by a sarcastic regard to the double meaning of the word. There were not wanting those who insinuated that Galileo intended to depict the pope himself in the guise of the simpleton of the party; this charge, however, was not only preposterous in itself, but wholly unsupported by intrinsic evidence, and Urban was far too sagacious to give any permanent credit to it.

It was at once evident that the whole tenor of this remarkable work was in flagrant contradiction with the edict passed sixteen years before its publication, as well as with the author's personal pledge of conformity to it. The ironical submission with which it opened, and the assumed indetermination with which it closed, were hardly intended to mask the vigorous assertion of Copernican principles which formed its substance. It is a singular circumstance, however, that the argument upon which Galileo mainly relied as furnishing a physical demonstration of the truth of the new theory rested on a misconception. The ebb and flow of the tides, he asserted, were a visible effect of the terres


ants, and two daughters who took the veil at an early age. Notwithstanding this stain on the morality of his early life, which was in some degree compensated by the regularity of his subsequent conduct, Galileo's general character was one which commanded the respect of all who approached him. His prodigious mental activity continued undiminished to the last, nor were his latter years the least profitable to science of his long and eventful career. In 1636 he completed his Dialoghi delle Nuove Scienze, in which he recapitulated the results of his early experiments and mature meditations on the principles of mechanics. This, in many respects his most valuable work, was printed by the Elzevirs at Leyden in 1638, and excited admiration equally universal and more lasting than that accorded to his astronomical treatises. His last telescopic discoverythat of the moon's diurnal and monthly librations-was made in 1637, only a few months before his eyes were for ever closed in hopeless blindness, It was in this condition that Milton found him when he visited him at Arcetri in 1638. But the fire of his genius was not even yet extinct. He continued his scientific correspondence with unbroken interest and undiminished logical acumen; he thought out the application of the pendulum to the regulation of clockwork, which Huygens successfully realized seventeen years later; and he was engaged in dictating to his disciples, Viviani and Torricelli, his latest ideas on the theory of impact when he was seized with the slow fever which in two months brought him to the grave. On the 8th January 1642 he closed his long life of triumph and humiliation, and the coincidence of the day of his birth with that of Michelangelo's death was paralleled by the coincidence of the year of his death with that of the birth of Isaac Newton.

trial double movement, since they resulted from the ine- | he had three children-a son who married and left descendquality of the absolute velocities through space of the various parts of the earth's surface, produced by the motion of rotation. To this notion, which took its rise in a confusion of thought, he attached capital importance, and he treated with scorn Kepler's suggestion that a certain occult attraction of the moon was in some way concerned in the phenomenon. The theological censures which the book did not fail to incur were not slow in making themselves felt. Towards the end of August the sale was prohibited; on the 1st of October the author was cited to Rome by the Inquisition. He pleaded his age, now close upon seventy years, his infirm health, and the obstacles to travel caused by quarantine regulations; but the pope was sternly indignant at what he held to be his ingratitude and insubordination, and no excuse was admitted. At length, on the 13th of February 1633, he arrived at the residence of Niccolini, the Tuscan ambassador to the pontifical court, and there abode in deep dejection for two months. From the 12th to the 30th of April he was detained in the palace of the Inquisition, where he occupied the apartments of the fiscal, and was treated with unexampled indulgence. On the 30th he was restored to the hospitality of Niccolini, his warm and generous partisan. The accusation against him was that he had written in contravention of the decree of 1616, and in defiance of the command of the Holy Office communicated to him by Cardinal Bellarmine; and his defence consisted mainly in a disavowal of his opinions, and an appeal to his good intentions. On the 21st of June he was finally examined under menaco of torture; but he continued to maintain his assertion that, after its condemnation by the Congregation of the Index, he had never held the Copernican theory. Since the publication of the documents relating to this memorable trial, there can no longer be any doubt, not only that the threat of torture was not carried into execution, but that it was never intended that it should be. On the 22d of June, in the church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva, Galileo read his recantation, and received his sentence. He was condemned, as "vehemently suspected of heresy," to incarceration at the pleasure of the tribunal, and by way of penance was enjoined to recite once a week for three years the seven penitential psalms. This sentence was signed by seven cardinals, but did not receive the customary papal ratification. The legend according to which Galileo, rising from his knees after repeating the formula of abjuration, stamped on the ground, and exclaimed, "E pur si muove!" is, as may readily be supposed, entirely apocryphal, The earliest ascertained authority for it is the seventh edition of an Historical Dictionary, published at Caen in 1789. It seems probable that Galileo remained in the custody of the Inquisition from the 21st to the 24th of June, on which day he was relegated to the Villa Medici on the Trinità de' Monti. Thence, on the 6th of July, he was permitted to depart for Siena, where he spent several months in the house of the archbishop, Ascanio Piccolomini, one of his numerous and trusty friends. It was not until December that his earnest desire of returning to Florence was realized, and there, in the Villa Martellini at Arcetri, he spent the remaining eight years of his life in the strict retirement which was the prescribed condition of his comparative freedom.

Domestic afflictions combined with numerous and painful infirmities to embitter his old age. His sister-in-law and her whole family, who came to live with him on his return from Rome, perished shortly afterwards of the plague; and on the 1st of April 1634 died, to the inexpressible grief of her father, his eldest and best-beloved daughter, a nun in the convent of San Matteo at Arcetri. Galileo was never married; but by a Venetian woman named Marina Gamba

The direct services which Galileo rendered to astronomy are virtually summed up in his telescopic discoveries. To the theoretical perfection of the science he contributed little or nothing, He pointed out indeed that the so-called "third motion," introduced by Copernicus to account for the constant parallelism of the earth's axis, was a superfluous complication. But he substituted the equally unnecessary hypothesis of a magnetic attraction, and failed to perceive that the phenomenon to be explained was, in relation to absolute space, not a movement, but the absence of movement. The circumstance, however, which most seriously detracts from his scientific reputation is his neglect of the discoveries made during his life-time by the greatest of his contemporaries. Kepler's first and second laws were published in 1609, and his third ten years later. By these momentous inductions the geometrical theory of the solar system was perfected, and a hitherto unimagined symmetry was perceived to regulate the mutual relations of its members. But by Galileo they were passed over in silence. his Dialogo dei Massimi Sistemi, printed not less than thirteen years after the last of the three laws had been given to the world, the epicycles by which Copernicus, adhering to the ancient postulate of uniform circular motion, had endeavoured to reduce to theory the reges of the planetary movements were neither expressly adopted nor expressly rejected; and, after exhausting all the apologies offered, the conclusion seems inevitable that this grave defection from the cause of progress had no other motive than the reluctance of the Florentie astronomer to accept discoveries which he had not originated, this not through vulgar jealousy, of which he was incapable, but through a certain unconscious intellectual erotism, not always unknown to the greatest minds. Hisname, however, is justly associated with that vast extension of bours of the visible universe which has rendere med astronomy the most sublime of sciences, and hi telescopic observations


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