limited to half-hearted attacks on isolated detachments and longrange sniping of barracks and posts under cover of darkness. Guerilla leaders found it safer and more profitable to concentrate on a systematic attempt to paralyse railway communications by the derailing of trains and the blowing up of bridges, culverts and signal cabins. By these means it was hoped to bring the economic life of the country to a dead stop. In addition the wholesale destruction of the houses and property of Free State supporters and of the Southern Unionists would have the effect, it was assumed, of discrediting the Government in the eyes of those who had something to lose, and of rallying to the Republican cause the solid body of peasantry with whom land hunger has always been a dominant passion. President Cosgrave's country house at Tempelogue near Dublin was burned down on January 13; and this was followed by the destruction of Kilteragh, the residence of Sir Horace Plunkett, who had devoted his life to the service of Irishmen of all parties. Mr. Stephen Gwynn, the well-known Irish writer, was informed that his house at Terenure was blown up on account of his "non-sympathy," and any excuse or none served to justify the wrecking of historic castles and mansions and the expulsion of their owners. Efforts were also made to kidnap members of the Oireachtas. Senator Oliver St. John Gogarty, who had been carried off by armed men on January 12, managed to escape by swimming the Liffey; Senator John Bagwell, who was seized towards the end of the month, was released on the threat of drastic reprisals by the military authorities.

The first proof that steady pressure was beginning to tell on irregular moral was the publication on February 4 of the appeal of Liam Deasy, whom Collins had described as the most dangerous of the Republican leaders, for a surrender of arms. Deasy's appeal, written while under sentence of death, was repudiated by the Republican Executive, but was strongly endorsed by irregular prisoners in Limerick and Cork who asked permission to send delegates to urge its acceptance by their comrades still in the field. Encouraged by these signs, General Mulcahy offered an amnesty on February 8 if arms were surrendered inside ten days. Scattered bands in the South and the Midlands marched in with their guns; other irregular detachments dissolved and returned to their homes without a formal surrender. From documents captured later it became known that by the end of February the active guerilla leaders realised that they were, in their own phrase, "flattened-out,' and the proposal to end resistance was defeated at a meeting of their "Army Executive" only by a single vote. Mr. de Valera, however, rejected the idea of a truce, and the campaign of destruction continued. The Government was now hitting back so fiercely in Ireland that the Republicans, who saw their followers losing heart, planned a counter-move by their sympathisers in Great Britain. Free State agents discovered the

plot, and acting on their information the British Government arrested, on March 11, 100 men and women, who were deported to Dublin and imprisoned in Kilmainham. The English courts decided that the Home Secretary had exceeded his powers, and the deportees were returned to Holyhead and released on May 17 [see p. 51].

Republican hopes of an arrangement on terms were encouraged by the arrival in Ireland of Monsignor Luzio who had been sent by the Vatican to inquire into existing conditions and secure, if possible, an understanding between men of good-will. Mr. Cosgrave and his colleagues took the line that Monsignor Luzio was merely "a distinguished visiting ecclesiastic" and not a formally accredited diplomatic envoy. He was received at Government Buildings, but it was made clear to him that his intervention would not be welcomed. While the wrangle over his powers was in progress, National troops on April 10 surprised a conference of irregular leaders in the Clonmel district. Liam Lynch, the "Chief of Staff," was fatally wounded in the encounter, and a few days later Austin Stack, one of the most determined of his colleagues, was captured. In Stack's possession was found a document drawn up for submission to his associates declaring that further hostilities were useless. Bowing to the inevitable, Mr. de Valera issued on April 24 a fire" order. His followers were instructed to dump their arms but not to surrender them, and the Government declined any discussions till the dumps had been handed over.

cease

Meanwhile on April 1, as a result of the decision of the Free State to collect its own revenue, a customs barrier had been set up. It was simple enough to make arrangements at the various southern ports, but the problem of establishing posts along the open line of the six counties border gave rise to many difficulties. Mr. Cosgrave's Government has not as yet formed a separate fiscal policy, and a Commission which was appointed to investigate the question reported shortly before Christmas against the protection of native industries on economic grounds. The effect, however, of the adoption of the safeguarding of Industries Act was that certain articles of British manufacture which had formerly entered the Free State free of duty have now to pay the tax imposed by that measure upon imports from the Dominions. How urgent it was for the Free State to set its financial house in order was made clear from the Budget statement issued in April. As against an estimated revenue of 26,000,000l., estimated expenditure amounted to 46,000,000l., and the greater part of the deficit was directly due to the losses entailed by the Republican campaign of destruction.

With the cessation of active hostilities the Government concentrated their efforts on the Land Bill, which was introduced by Mr. Hogan, Minister of Agriculture, on May 28. It followed the principle laid down in the Wyndham Act, and aimed at the completion of land purchase by converting all agricultural

rents remaining, estimated at between 800,000l. and 1,000,000l. into purchase annuities. The capitalisation of the annuities at 4 per cent. would produce nearly 13 years' purchase and 14 years' purchase of the old rents and the new respectively. To bridge the gap between owner and tenant the Government added a 10 per cent. bonus which gave proprietors what amounted to an additional year and a quarter's purchase. Though the measure had to face a certain amount of criticism, it was recognised as an honest effort to deal with the problem, and passed through the Oireachtas substantially unaltered. At the same time strong measures were taken to deal with the Jacquerie which during the chaos of the civil war had raged in Connaught and parts of Munster. Cattle pastured on lands from which the owners had been expelled were rounded up by the troops and sold by auction to meet compensation claims, members of amateur Soviets who had parcelled out estates amongst themselves were arrested and interned, and the payment of purchase annuities was rigidly enforced.

A new complication was introduced towards the end of May by a strike of agricultural labourers in County Waterford against a cut which would bring their wages to the English level. The dispute flared up into an ugly conflict, in the course of which troops sent to enforce order were ambushed, meadows were spiked and crops destroyed, and these outrages were countered on the other side by the burning of labourers' cottages. In the towns labour troubles also developed, and the refusal of dockers to accept a reduction led to the closing down of most of the Free State ports and the partial paralysis of cross-channel traffic. The crisis, difficult enough in itself, was intensified by a domestic dispute in the Transport Workers' Union in which the authority of the Executive was challenged by Mr. James Larkin.

In the thick of the industrial fight the Dail was dissolved on August 3 for the general election rendered necessary by the Franchise Bill which conferred adult suffrage and re-grouped existing constituencies. At the nominations 369 candidates were put forward for 153 seats. The election was more peaceful than was expected. Its most exciting incident was the arrest of Mr. de Valera while addressing an election meeting at Ennis on August 15, when a volley discharged by the troops caused a wild stampede. Mr. de Valera was returned at the head of the poll in Clare but as against this all the Free State Ministers secured huge majorities. The final returns were Cumann na n'Gaedheal (Government) 63, Republicans 44, Independents 17, Labour 14, Farmers 15. On the Treaty issue Independents, Labour and Farmers stood solidly with the Government so that the result was a smashing defeat for the Republicans.

A further proof of the growing solidarity of the Free State and of the new status it had acquired was forthcoming on September 10, when Ireland was admitted to the League of

Nations by the unanimous vote of the Assembly. Mr. Cosgrave, who was accompanied by Mr. Eoin MacNeill, Minister of Education, and Mr. Desmond Fitzgerald, Minister for External Affairs, addressed the League. Nine days later the new Dail met, and as was expected, Mr. Cosgrave was re-elected President. The only Ministerial change was the appointment of Mr. Seumas Burke as Minister for Local Government in place of Mr. Ernest Blythe who took over the work of Finance Minister, which had previously been in the hands of the President. In October, Mr. Cosgrave, with a delegation which included Mr. Eoin MacNeill, Mr. Desmond Fitzgerald and Mr. Joseph M'Grath, Minister of Industry and Commerce, attended the Imperial Conference and was warmly welcomed by the British Government and the representatives of the other Dominions.

Industrial peace was secured towards the end of October by the decision of the dockers in the various Free State ports to accept the compromise suggested by the Government, of a reduction of a shilling a day, in spite of the opposition of Mr. Larkin and the secessionists. But if the situation was eased in one way a new element of trouble was introduced by a general hunger strike of Republican prisoners intended to force the hands of the Government into conceding their unconditional release. Some 8000 men joined in the movement, but the resolution of the majority broke down inside a fortnight, and the failure of Mr. de Valera to participate was a crushing blow. Two men died under the ordeal, but the other extremists resumed taking food after thirty-five days fast.

The hunger strike was finally abandoned on November 22, twenty-four hours before the flotation of the National loan of 10,000,000l. Republicans had proclaimed that the Government would not get the money in Ireland, and had issued proclamations declaring that they would repudiate liability if they were returned to power. So far from these threats acting as a deterrent the loan was over-subscribed, and had the lists been kept open for the allotted time at least 15,000,000 would have been received.

CHAPTER III.

FRANCE AND ITALY.

FRANCE.

DURING 1923 France consolidated her military supremacy in Europe by occupying the Ruhr district, by stimulating the Separatist movement in the German Rhineland, by strengthening her connexions with the countries of the "Little Entente, and by increasing her Air force. Her foreign policy during this year will always be associated with the name of M. Raymond

Poincaré, who as Premier and Minister for Foreign Affairs assumed sole responsibility for it, and was unwearied in defending it both in Parliament and on the platform. So indispensable was M. Poincaré held to be in this sphere that he was able to maintain his position throughout the year in spite of several rebuffs on matters of home policy which in ordinary circumstances would have caused his downfall.

At the Conference with Great Britain held at Paris in the opening days of the year, M. Poincaré announced the French intention of seizing from Germany gages productifs which she would keep until Germany fulfilled her obligations under the Treaty of Versailles. In pursuance of this policy French and Belgian troops were sent to occupy the Ruhr district on January 10. This step, which outraged large masses of public opinion abroad, was not without its opponents in France also. When, however, the question was brought up in the Chamber, the Radical Socialist group, led by M. Herriot, although disapproving of the French action because undertaken without the conjunction of England, yet either voted for the Government out of patriotic motives, or abstained; and needless to say all the groups further to the Right, who formed the great majority of the Chamber, supported M. Poincaré.

The only active opponents of his policy were the Communists. These made common cause with the Germans, and a number of them were arrested on the day of the occupation, January 10. A few days later followed the arrest of the deputy Marcel Cachin, after a stormy debate in the Chamber in which the suspension of his Parliamentary immunity was decided on.

The attempt to bring Cachin to justice led the Government into trouble. Accusing him of having stirred up the Germans to resist France by all means, legal or illegal, they made his case one of treason, and called upon the Senate to try it, in accordance with the constitutional law of 1875. The Senate, however, on May 24 declared itself incompetent to try the case. M. Poincaré was

so hurt by this refusal (which was probably due to the hostility of the Radical-Socialists) that he offered his resignation to the President of the Republic. M. Millerand, however, would not accept it, considering that the divergence of views between the Senate and the Cabinet, serious as it was, did not imply a disapproval of the general policy of the Government; and on the next day the Cabinet, acting on the advice of the Upper House, agreed in principle to a modification of the constitution in the matter of the Supreme Court.

The French plans for exploiting the Ruhr were completely foiled by the policy of "passive resistance" adopted by the Germans, and a few weeks were sufficient to show that whatever the Ruhr occupation might do for France, it would not give her a gage productif. Nothing daunted, M. Poincaré early in the year proclaimed France's determination to withdraw her troops only in proportion as Germany paid her dues; and to