of the founders of the so-called "Liberal Left," which has since been closely allied with the Right. The two groups still maintain different party organisations, but their policy is absolutely identical.

The Minister of Church and Education, Mr. Ivar Sælen, died in November, and was replaced by Mr. J. Sanne, a prominent Conservative, and Vice-president of the Lagting.

One of the most important political events of the year was the definite rupture of the Norwegian Labour Party with the Third Internationale at Moscow. The Executive of the Third Internationale had for a long time been dissatisfied with the attitude taken up by the majority of the Norwegian Executive, headed by the well-known trade union leader, Martin Tranmæl. Mr. Tranmæl's group claimed a great measure of independence for the Norwegian Party, insisting on the impossibility of enforcing Russian political tactics in Norway. The Norwegian Executive particularly protested against the atheist test imposed by Moscow on all Communist leaders, and it also disagreed with the so-called "Workers and Peasants' Government-parole." After many vain efforts at reconciliation the crisis came to a head at the National Congress of the Norwegian Labour Party, which was held at Kristiania from November 2 to 5.

Some days before the Congress the Moscow Executive had sent the Norwegian Party an ultimatum demanding the acceptance by the Congress of a resolution which pledged the party to carry out the decisions of Moscow. This ultimatum was rejected by 169 to 103 votes. After the vote, the representative of the Moscow Executive, the German Communist Hoernle, said that the Executive regarded the majority as having withdrawn from the Third Internationale. The minority then left the Congress. The remaining 169 delegates unanimously passed a resolution deploring the behaviour of the Moscow Executive and declaring that they considered the Party as having been expelled from the Third Internationale. The Congress further passed resolutions endorsing the decisions of the Norwegian Executive in all questions where there had been disagreement with Moscow.

The minority group headed by Mr. Olav Scheflo, member of the Storting, immediately founded a new Communist Party which accepts the dogmas of Russian Bolshevism without any reservation. The dispute between the two rival parties is becoming increasingly violent. The seizures of provincial party papers by the Anti-Moscovites have occasioned many dramatic incidents. The Moscovites are very strong in Bergen and Trondhjem where the local Communist dailies are still in their hands. But the Anti-Moscovites possess the whole party machine and all the more important Labour papers outside the two towns mentioned above, and it is believed that the Moscow Party will soon be reduced to an insignificant group. Norway has now three Labour Parties: The Social-Democrats, the AntiMoscow Communists, and the Moscow Communists. It is

estimated that the Moscovites comprise only about one-tenth of the Labour electors.

The industrial situation has been fairly quiet throughout the year, and no strikes of any magnitude have occurred. The wages agreements which expired in the spring were renewed for one year. A lockout seemed imminent in the paper industry in November, but was averted by the intervention of the Government. The number of unemployed declined steadily during the

year.

Economically and financially the year was by no means favourable, though signs of improvement were noticeable as the year drew to a close. In April two large Kristiania banks, Foreningsbanken and Centralbanken, were at their own request placed under public administration in accordance with the new law on State support for weak banks. The two banks are now continuing their business under State control, and the creditors have suffered no loss.

Neither the Greenland nor the Spitzbergen question was solved during 1923. In the autumn negotiations were opened with Denmark regarding the former by special delegates. The negotiations are to be continued in 1924. All the signatory powers of the Spitzbergen treaty have notified their ratification of the Norwegian Draft Mining Bill for these Arctic islands, and the question of Norwegian sovereignty over Spitzbergen will probably be definitely settled in the spring of 1924.

CHAPTER VII.

THE MIDDLE EAST AND INDIA: FERSIA-AFGHANISTAN-IRAQ— PALESTINE-SYRIA-ARABIA-INDIA.

PERSIA.

PARLIAMENTARY Government in Persia has not worked smoothly during 1923. The Mejliss has been factious, and Cabinet crises have been frequent. Real power, as before, has resided in the hands of the energetic and able Minister of War, the Sardar Sepah Riza Khan, who has improved the military organisation and maintained order, at the same time exercising a dominating influence on the foreign policy of the country. The finances of the country have been controlled by the American Commission of Advisers under Dr. Millspaugh, who have gradually been remedying abuses and paving the way for the raising of a substantial loan.

The Conservative Cabinet of Gavam-es-Sultaneh resigned on January 27, in consequence of an agitation based on chargeswhich were not substantiated-of corrupt dealing in connexion with the northern oil concessions. The next Cabinet, under Mustaufi-ul-Menalek was not formed till the middle of March, and was suspected by the Mejliss of being equally corrupt. On

May 29 it was defeated on a vote of confidence by 44 votes to 38, and after a brief period of crisis was succeeded by the Mushir-ed-Dowleh on June 17. Meanwhile the term of the sitting Mejliss had expired, and orders were issued for a new election, which was completed by the middle of September. The deputies returned for Teheran were the Prime Minister himself, along with Mosadegh-es-Sultaneh, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Motamen-ul-Mulk, Speaker of the late Mejliss, the ex-Premier Gavam-es-Sultaneh, and three Social Democrats, three Clericals, one Independent, and one Conservative. The Sardar Sepah was returned for the province of Mazanderan. On October 24 the Mushir-ed-Dowleh, having proved, like his predecessors, unable to work with the Sardar Sepah, who had been Minister of War in six successive Cabinets since April, 1921, the premiership was taken over by that official himself. The Shah, who had purposely waited till the Cabinet crises should be settled, thereupon left for a tour in Europe, one of his last acts having been to release Gavam-es-Sultaneh, who. early in October had been arrested by the Sardar on the charge of intriguing against him.

The Press throughout the year showed an unruly spirit. In February two newspapers were suspended and their editors exiled for publishing articles libelling the Shah, and in the autumn a Bill was presented providing for the discipline of the Press; but although the urgent need of such a measure was generally recognised, it was opposed by the Nationalists, apparently with the simple desire of overthrowing a Conservative Cabinet.

During the year Persia considerably strengthened her trade relations with Russia. This was largely due to the reopening of the Tabriz railway in the summer, and the improvement of conditions in the Caucasus and along the Black Sea littoral. In other respects also Persia drew closer to Russia. In the spring a Persian military mission went to Russia, and a number of Persian students entered a Soviet "University" which was opened at Tiflis. At the same time public feeling was inflamed against Great Britain, partly by the intrigues of Bolshevik officials, partly by the action of the Iraq Government in August in expelling a number of Persian ecclesiastics. This led to a somewhat violent anti-British demonstration in Teheran. Resentment was also felt against Britain on account of the dismissal of Persian officials from the Iraq service, though this might be regarded as merely retaliation for the previous dismissal by the Persian Government of its Iraqi officials, along with all other foreigners in its service.

On May 25 a great earthquake took place at Turbat-i-Haidari in North-Eastern Persia, causing much damage and loss of life. At the suggestion of the British Minister in Teheran, a relief fund was opened in England.

AFGHANISTAN.

The course of Afghan history during 1923 though not eventful was far from smooth. Friction between the Ameer Amanullah and a large part of his subjects was one of the outstanding features of the year, and the other was the straining of AfghanBritish relations which took place towards its close. In view of these facts the desire of the Ameer that his country should enter the comity of modern civilised nations cannot yet be said to have been fulfilled; nor does the situation at the present moment augur well for its realisation in the near future.

The chief causes of disaffection against the Ameer have been his attempts to purify the administration and to impose conscription on the people. His passion for justice was shown by his passing a sentence of imprisonment, in April, on the stepfather of his own mother, Shah Ghasi Mohammed Sarwar Khan, for misappropriation of public funds. In interfering, however, with the local hakims, who though notoriously corrupt had maintained some semblance of law and order in their respective districts, he tried to introduce more civilised methods for which the population was not yet ripe, and consequently lawlessness and unrest increased considerably during the first half of the year, culminating in the revolt of the formidable Alizai tribe. The levying of taxes has also, as was to be expected, proved a most difficult matter, and want of money has not allowed the Ameer to proceed very far on his path of reform. Nevertheless in some lines substantial progress has been made. Most notable is the spread of education among the people. There are now thousands of Afghan boys receiving schooling, and 200 are being educated abroad; and these may in course of time be expected to provide an efficient civil service and judiciary. A great step forward towards removing the isolation of Afghanistan was taken by the inauguration in March of telegraphic communication between Afghanistan and Great Britain. But in the allimportant matter of internal communications little advance has been made in the past year. No railways were commenced, and small progress was made with the new roads planned for motor traffic, while the existing roads from Kabul to Peshawar and Kandahar have if anything deteriorated. In the absence of good communications there can be little chance of developing the natural resources of the country.

During the first half of the year Afghan relations with England were quite amicable. In January the Ameer sent a message to King George on the Lausanne Conference, and the King's reply, expressing his earnest desire for an equitable solution of the Turkish problem, created a favourable impression in Afghanistan. A still more friendly exchange of messages took place on the inauguration of telegraphic communication between Afghanistan and Great Britain mentioned above. The Ameer thanked His Majesty for the services rendered by British

officials in the progress of the work, and expressed a hope for the continuance of good relations between the two nations, at the same time appealing to Britain for fair dealing with the Moslem world. The King reciprocated the Ameer's good wishes, and emphasised the desire of Britain to live in peaceful and neighbourly co-operation with the Moslem world.

It was not long before these friendly feelings were succeeded by an attitude of suspicion and mistrust on both sides. In April two murders of British subjects were perpetrated by tribesmen on the North-West Indian frontier at Kohat and Landi Kotal, and the murderers fled to Afghanistan. On June 4 the Afghan Government informed the British Minister at Kabul that orders had been issued for their immediate arrest, but several weeks passed before the arrest was effected. The British had reason to suspect that the Ameer was acting under Bolshevik influence and purposely flouting England. When the murderers actually were arrested, they managed to escape from prison before trial, and though there was no proof of connivance on the part of the authorities, the incident made a bad impression. In order to remove this the Afghan Government for a time adopted more energetic measures against the outlaws on the border, and in October a joint Afghan and British Commission met at Karlachi on the frontier to investigate a number of incidents that had occurred. From this point, however, matters instead of improving seemed to grow rapidly worse. The Afghans became suspicious that England was once more harbouring Imperialistic designs and seeking to regain her exclusive domination over their country. These feelings were strongly expressed by the Afghan Minister in Paris, Sirdar Tarzi Khan, in an interview which he gave to the Nation on December 16. He charged the British in particular with having three months earlier held up at Bombay a quantity of arms for the Afghan police, in breach of the treaty between Afghanistan and Great Britain made in 1921, and of the Trade Convention of June 5 of the current year which among other things confirmed the obligation then accepted by the British Government to allow the transit of arms to Afghanistan through India. The British defence was that according to the Treaty the importation was to be permitted only so long as the intentions of the Afghan Government were friendly, and no immediate danger to India was involved. By the end of the year the situation as between the two countries was generally regarded as serious.

The Afghan suspicions of Britain's intentions were undoubtedly fostered by other countries, notably Russia and France, as was shown by a striking article in L'Ere Nouvelle of December 26, which suggested that it was the independent policy of Afghanistan rather than the activity of brigands which disquieted Great Britain. The Ameer attempted to play off France against England in a peculiar way. Early in the year he gave to France exclusive rights of archæological research in Afghanistan,