WALES.

REPORT BY CONSUL JONES, OF CARDIFF.

In a report upon the price of labor and the cost of living, embracing the moral, social, and economic condition of the people, a few general observations concerning the geography and characteristics of the country specially dealt with seem desirable.

By common consent Wales is divided into two sections, North and South. The counties of Flint, Denbigh, Anglesea, Carnarvon, Merioneth, and Montgomery constitute North Wales, while South Wales is composed of the shires of Cardigan, Radnor, Brecknock, Glamorgan, Carmarthen, and Pembroke. The area of the principality measures 4,721,823 acres. The physical features of the country are varied and attractive, consisting of rich valleys, barren rocks, dense forests, lofty mountains, and desert moors. Agriculture and quarries are the wealth-producing agencies of North Wales. In the southern division husbandry consists in large measure of sheep grazing, which is carried on upon a large scale and with good results in several counties where the land is mountainous and only capable of sustaining from one sheep per acre upwards. But the poverty of the surface is abundantly compensated by the rich mineral deposits of the hills.

The population of the country, according to the census of 1881, was 1,359,895. The wage-earners, or working classes, may be comprehensívely divided into (1) agricultural laborers, (2) slate quarrymen, (3) miners, and (4) iron-workers. To these particular classes must, of course, be added the ordinary craftsmen and laborers of progressive society, who build houses and their appurtenances, construct railroads, highways, and canals, as well as rolling stock, vehicles, and boats, and those who handle and facilitate the machinery of commerce and of communities.

South Wales now takes the first position as a coal-exporting district. This draws to the ports of the Bristol Channel a large amount of the tonnage of the world; and in shipping Cardiff, Newport, and Swansea take a prominent position among the great ports of the Kingdom. Notwithstanding the advantages of this district in the presence of coal and iron, and the existence of some of the largest mills in the Kingdom turning out ship-plates in large quantities within a few miles of tidal water, ship-building, beyond the mere business of repairing, has not yet been established on the banks of the streams of South Wales. But the advantages enumerated, together with the employment afforded to tonnage, cannot fail to induce capitalists to erect ship-yards on the Taff and other streams on the Bristol Channel.

In the preparation of this report I have not confined myself entirely within the lines indicated by the circular of the Department dated Feb ruary 15, 1884, and before dealing with the specified requirements of the circular I have introduced chapters dealing with the political status of the British workman, local government in England and Wales, local taxation, and the social condition of the people. Following these will be found papers and schedules dealing with life and labor in Wales upon the plan suggested by the circular.

THE POLITICAL STATUS OF THE BRITISH WORKMAN.

The parliamentary electoral qualifications are manifold and complex in the United Kingdom; to an American they are even confusing. Ad

hering, in this instance, to England and Wales, they may be comprehensively divided into the borough franchise and the county franchise. Prior to the reform act of 1832 the qualifications of the general elector rested upon the holding of freehold property to the yearly value of £2 ($9.72). Under the operations of the reform act, and of subsequent legislation enacted in the years 1867, 1868, and 1869, electoral rights were modified and extended to their present form. The existing county franchise of England and Wales may be divided, for the sake of brevity, into three classes: (1) The £50 ($243) rental franchise of 1832; (2) the £12 ($58.32) rating franchise of 1867; and (3) the property franchise of 1867 and 1868, whether consisting of a £2 ($9.72) or £5 ($24.30) freehold, or of a copyhold or leasehold of the value of £5 ($24.30) a year or

more.

Among the evils and abuses possible under the present county franchise are the qualification of non-resident voters purely and merely for party purposes, and whereby such non-resident voters number, in some instances, one-fourth of the votes upon the register of the constituency. Another aspect of this abuse is found in the subdivision of hereditaments. Mr. Gladstone, when introducing his franchise bill of 1884, said that he "had in his possession a photograph of a hereditament, a certain structure not very imposing in itself, occupied by a single person, and conferring one occupation franchise, but held by forty-five owners, every one of whom stands upon the register in virtue of his forty-fifth part of this building, which qualifies only a single occupation voter!"

These electoral qualifications are common enough in this country. Their potency was brought home to Mr. Gladstone during his celebrated canvass in Midlothian. No ordinary man could have overcome the "fagot" votes of the Scottish constituency, and I am here tempted to indulge in a single comment. A political scandal of corresponding importance in the United States would evoke thundering denunciation from platform, press, and pulpit, from Puget Sound to Florida, but the iniquity is rather winked at here-both parties indulge in it--and even the premier's declaration about the photographed house caused more laughter than sensation. But the hand of fate is on the curtain.

The borough franchise consists of six qualifications, under which male persons of full age, and not subject to any legal incapacity, are entitled to vote for the election of members of Parliament in boroughs, viz:

I. The occupation of a dwelling-house rated to the relief to the poor, and upon which the rates have been paid according to the acts of 1867, 1868, and 1869.

II. The occupation of any premises other than a dwelling-house rated to the poor at not less than £10 ($48.60) per aunum.

III. The occupation as sole tenant of lodgings of the annual value of £10, if let unfurnished.

IV. The occupation as joint tenant with another person or persons of lodgings the clear yearly value of which, if let unfurnished, is of an amount which, when divided by the number of lodgers, gives a sum of not less than £10 (48.60) for each lodger. V. Being registered as a freeman or free burgess in any place other than London. VI. Being a freeman of the city of London, or a liveryman belonging to one of the city companies.

The electoral qualifications V and VI were conferred long ago by the crown upon certain people for services rendered, or otherwise, and made hereditary from father to son, or through connection with organizations or companies, such as the Lurrymen or Freemen's companies. These are designated as "ancient-right" franchises, and even a brief description of their qualifications would lead this paper to inordinate length. Enough has been said to show that while the borough franchise is comparatively satisfactory the county franchise must be unsatisfactory to

the extent of the difference between the two franchises. At present it is a common occurrence for two men, working in the same factory or establishment, possessed of equal skill, intelligence, and education, to be, the one an elector and the other disfranchised by the simple fact that one resides within the limits of the borough, while the other, the disfranchised, resides just over the boundary line. This is a hardship, an injustice, and an anomaly under the present law.

The great bulk of the miners and agricultural laborers of the country are without will or vote to influence the law and government of the country. The bill now before Parliament proposes to remedy present evils to the following extent: It provides for an addition to the existing borough franchise of what Mr. Gladstone has described as the "service franchise"; that is to say, it gives electoral rights to the inhabitants of dwellings, whether they shall be landlords or tenants. This clause will enfranchise the gardeners, the coachmen, and, generally, the chief servants of establishments; and when extended to the counties it will enfranchise the present inhabitants of cottages upon farms and estates, and of the villages of the great mining districts of the country, owned by the mine owner and occupied, rent free, by the miner. The new bill further proposes to extend the £10 ($48.60) yearly-value qualification now enjoyed by "occupiers" of houses and land to the occupiers of land only. In brief, there will be, under the proposed act, first, the freehold franchise of 1832; second, the "lodger franchise" of 1867; third, the household franchise of 1867, amended in subsequent years; fourth, the "service franchise;" and fifth, the already-mentioned "ancient franchises." These will constitute the principles of the borough franchise under the new bill; and the great reform will really be effected by applying these provisions of the measure to the people of the counties of the United Kingdom.

The present strain upon the Government is great. From without, it comes from Egypt and the Soudan; from within it is caused by the disaffection of ship-owners towards the board of trade and the proposed shipping bill. But if Mr. Gladstone can retain power for six months the great electoral reform bill will become law, and enfranchise 1,300,000 men in England and Wales, 200,000 in Scotland, and 400,000 in Ireland. In other words, it will elevate to the dignity of electors nearly 2,000,000 of people, mainly composed of the toilers in the mines or in the fields of the United Kingdom.

WORKINGMEN IN PARLIAMENT.

Even under the existing franchises of the United Kingdom the political influence of the working classes is great and increasing, and the electoral possibilities of that class may be described as supreme. They not only hold the balance of power, but possess a positive majority of votes in all the great manufacturing and commercial centers of the country. The great bulk of the workingmen are adherents of the Liberal party, and if united as a class for electoral purposes they could carry all the borough constituencies, and thereby overpower the county electors. But they do not vote "like a flock of sheep," nor exercise their suffrages in a hostile or tyrannical spirit. They are not, and must not be, ignored in the selection of candidates; but they are far from insisting upon candidates from the ranks of labor in a tyrannical spirit. They have sent only three "workingmen representatives" to Parliament. Conspicuous in the triumvirate stands Thomas Burt, esq., the member for Morpeth. He is a veritable workingman and Northumberland miner,

at once modest and able; amiable at all times, but with the courage of his convictions. He is in no danger of losing his independence of thought and action through that insidious but somewhat exaggerated monster, "the social influence," on the one hand, nor in consequence of evanescent panics created by political charlatans on the other. He stands above the average moral and intellectual height of the House of Commons, and is an honor alike to his constituency and to the august assembly, where he is recognized and respected for his inherent worth. Mr. Broadhurst, M. P. for Stoke-on-Trent, is also a highly creditable member of the House of Commons. That the working classes could multiply their class representatives is undoubted; that they will do so, as eligible candidates present themselves, is equally true. They have made an excellent start in this regard, and are anxious to maintain their good repute. The fact that members of Parliament are not paid for their services as legislators is a serious impediment in the way of workingmen candidates.

Mr. Burt supports himself by his salary of £500 ($2,430) a year as secretary to the Northumberland Miners' Association, augmented by work of a literary character. The increase of members of Parliament from the ranks of labor will perhaps be made after the model of Mr. Burt's conditions. The presence of such men in the House of Commons is recognized by their colleagues as a valuable acquisition. They speak with authority upon subjects intimately connected with workingmen, such as legislation dealing with mines, workshops, sanitary laws, temperance, employers' liabilities, &c. The Liberalism of workingmen as a class and of their leading representatives has a decided democratic leaning. Their agitation and influence favored the passage of the fac tories act, the employers' liability act, and the Sunday closing act for Scotland, Ireland, and Wales, and their continued agitation for years, and more especially during the summer of last year, forced and encouraged the present Government to bring in the franchise bill now on its passage through Parliament.

Religious and social questions bear a close relationship to party politics. Adherents of the Church of England may be classed as Conservatives, while Nonconformists, as a rule, support candidates of the Liberal party. An exception to this general rule prevails in England, where the Wesleyans are somewhat evenly divided between the two political camps. But in the principality disestablishment is the leading question in political consideration, and the Nonconformists, as a rule, are in favor of disestablishment, and, generally, of advanced Liberal principles.

Formerly the temperance question was supported by but a small minority among Liberal politicians. Within the last half dozen years, however, temperance has become fashionable. A goodly number of bishops and other dignitaries of the church, as well as Nonconformist ministers, have become total abstainers in practice as well as in theory. But notwithstanding the acquisition of "my lord bishop," deans, and canons as stanch supporters of temperance, it remains true that the main strength and support of the principle, both in advocacy and practice, comes from the ranks of Nonconformists and Liberals in politics.

There is an affectation in this country that party politics have no influence upon municipal elections. It is a mere affectation. In some of the boroughs of England and Wales the votes of the council, even upon sanitary and other measures, are sometimes carried upon strict party lines. The political creed of candidates is always a potent factor in an election. But within the local parliaments of some towns political