Succeffion, or the Liberties and Religion of their Country; and can say with Cicero, "that " I should be proud to be included with them in " all their actions tanquam in equo Trojano." But if I have never discovered by my words, writings, or actions, any Party virulence, or dangerous designs against the present powers; if my friendship and conversation were equally shewn among those who liked or disapproved the proceedings then at Court, and that I was known to be a common Friend of all deserving persons of the latter fort, when they were in distress; I cannot but think it hard, that I am not fuffered to run quietly among the common herd of people, whose opinions unfortunately differ from those which lead to Favour and Preferment.

I ought to let you know, that the Thing we called a Whig in England is a creature altogether different from those of the fame denomination here; at least it was so during the reign. of her late Majesty. Whether those on your side have changed or no, it hath not been my business to enquire. I remember my excellent friend Mr. Addison, when he first came over hither Secretary to the Earl of Wharton then

* The Examiners, I sup- amongst the Dean's works.

pofe, were not then published

Lord

Lord Lieutenant, was extremely offended at the conduct and difcourse of the Chief Managers here: He told me they were a fort of people who seemed to think, that the principles of a Whig confifted in nothing else but damning the Church, reviling the Clergy, abetting the Dissenters, and speaking contemptibly of revealed Religion.

I was discoursing some years ago with a certain Minifter about that whiggish or fanatical Genius, so prevalent among the English of this kingdom: his Lordship accounted for it by that number of Cromwell's Soldiers, adventurers established here, who were all of the fourest leven, and the meanest birth, and whose pofterity are now in poffeffion of their lands and their principles. However, it must be confeffed, that of late fome people in this country are grown weary of quarrelling, because interest, the great motive of quarrelling, is at an end; for, it is hardly worth contending who shall be an Exciseman, a CountryVicar, a Cryer in the Courts, or an UnderClerk.

You will perhaps be inclined to think, that a person so ill treated as I have been, must at some time or other have discovered very dangerous opinions in government; in answer to which, I will tell you what my Political prin

ciples were in the time of her late glorious Majesty, which I never contradicted by any action, writing, or difcourse.

First, I always declared myself against a Popish Successor to the Crown, whatever Title he might have by the proximity of blood: Neither did I ever regard the right line, except upon two accounts: first, as it was established by law; and secondly, as it hath much weight in the opinions of the people. For necessity may abolish any Law, but cannot alter the sentiments of the vulgar; Right of inheritance being perhaps the most popular of all topics : and therefore in great Changes when that is broke, there will remain much heart-burning and discontent among the meaner people; which (under a weak Prince and corrupt Administration) may have the worst consequences upon the peace of any state.

As to what is called a Revolution-principle, my opinion was this; That whenever those evils, which usually attend and follow a violent change of Government, were not in probability so pernicious as the grievance we fuffer under a present power, then the public good will justify such a Revolution. And this I took to have been the case in the Prince of Orange's expedition, although in the consequences it pro

duced some very bad effects, which are likely to stick long enough by us.

I had likewise in those days a mortal antipa thy against Standing Armies in times of Peace: Because I always took Standing Armies to be only fervants hired by the Master of the family for keeping his own children in flavery; and because I conceived, that a Prince who could not think himself secure without Mercenary Troops, must needs have a separate interest from that of his Subjects. Although I am not ignorant of those artificial Neceffities which a corrupted Ministry can create, for keeping up Forces to fupport a Faction against the publick Interest.

As to Parliaments, I adored the wisdom of that Gothic Institution, which made them annual: and I was confident our Liberty could never be placed upon a firm foundation until that ancient law were restored among us. For, who fees not, that, while such Assemblies are permitted to have a longer duration, there grows up a commerce of corruption between the Miniftry and the Deputies, wherein they both find their accounts, to the manifest danger of Liberty? which Traffic would neither answer the design nor expence, if Parliaments met once a

I ever abominated that scheme of Politics, (now about thirty years old) of setting up a monied Interest in opposition to the landed. For I conceived, there could not be a truer maxim in our Government than this, That the Poffeffors of the foil are the best Judges of what is for the advantage of the kingdom. If others had thought the fame way, Funds of Credit and South-fea Projects would neither have been felt nor heard of.

I could never discover the neceffity of fufpending any Law upon which the Liberty of the most innocent Persons depended; neither do I think this Practice hath made the taste of Arbitrary Power so agreeable, as that we should defire to fee it repeated. Every Rebellion fubdued and Plot discovered, contribute to the firmer establishment of the Prince: In the latter cafe, the knot of Confpirators is entirely broke, and they are to begin their work anew under a thousand disadvantages; so that those diligent enquiries into remote and problematical guilt, with a new power of enforcing them by chains and dungeons to every person whose face a Minifter thinks fit to dislike, are not only oppofite to that Maxim, which declareth it better that ten guilty men should escape, than one innocent suffer; but likewife leave a gate wide