condemns ary societies. 16ss to them that gospel which is the power of God unto sal- CHAP. IV. to vation, to every one that believeth. The lapse of half a 1833. century has not sufficed to efface from the minds of survivors who witnessed this graphic incident, the impression which was produced by the solemn and indignant energy of the aged servant of Christ, in pronouncing this withering rebuke. So far, however, were his party from being ashamed of so melancholy an exhibition as this opponent of missions had made, that not long after, they singled him out for the highest honour they could confer, by putting him into the chair of the assembly. His views, indeed, were those which prevailed in the discussion. The leader of the dominant Principal Hill party, Dr. Hill, went so far as even to declare the mission- the missionary societies, with their united action and their common fund, as "highly dangerous in their tendency to the good order of society at large." Improving on this hint, thrown out to catch the political alarmists of the day, Mr. Boyle, the ruling elder from Irvine,*-a young gentleman who, by a somewhat singular coincidence, lived to take part, in his old age, on the bench of the court of session, in pronouncing those legal decisions which produced the disruption,-gave utterance to this astounding harangue: "I rise, moderator, Mr. Boyle's speech: impressed with a sense of the alarming and dangerous ten- vehement dency of the measures proposed in the overtures on your table-overtures which I cannot too strongly, which this house cannot too strongly oppose, and which, I trust, all the loyal and well-affected members will be unanimous in opposing." Speaking of the missionary societies, he exclaimed, "observe, Sir, they are affiliated, they have a common object, they correspond with each other, they look for assistance from foreign countries, in the very language of many of the seditious societies. Above all, it is to be * Afterwards lord justice general of Scotland,-the head of the court of session. attack upon the mission ary societies. ary societies. might become treasonable Societies! 1833. CHAP. IV. marked, they have a common fund (!) Where is the security 1688 that the of this fund will not, as the reverend prin- to money cipal said, be used for very different purposes from the professed ones. If any man says that the societies have not this connection and tendency, he says the thing that is not. It now, therefore, becomes us as much as possible to discourage numerous societies, for whatever purposes: for, be the object what it may, they are all equally bad. And as The mission for these missionary societies, I do aver, that since it is to be apprehended that their funds may be in time, nay, certainly, will be turned against the constitution (!) so it is the bounden duty of this house to give the overtures recommending them our most serious disapprobation, and our immediate, most decisive opposition." (!!!) It seems almost incredible, at the present day, that such a rhapsody could have excited ought else than a smile. It was treated, however, in the moderate assembly of 1796, as a piece of most serious and weighty argumentation. That many, indeed, must needs have laughed in their sleeve at the notion of "treasons, stratagems, and spoils," being hatched in missionary societies, and headed by such men as Dr. Erskine, can Moderatism scarcely be well doubted. But, like the skins of the wild sions a bad beasts in which the primitive martyrs were put to death, name, and turned them the brand of sedition served to hide a little the true nature out of doors. of the cause upon which they were putting so bad a name, and enabled moderatism, with a somewhat better grace, to turn missions out of doors. gave mis In all ages it has been a common device to represent earnestly religious men as "troublers" of the public peace. In perilous There are times, however, when even worldly-minded poliworldly ticians become sensible of both the folly and the falseness times, even statesmen find out the of this cry. In the season of actual peril, when society is worth of re ligious men. breaking loose from the restraints of authority and law, the conviction often forces itself upon them that the only true 1833. CHAP. IV. armed with the guillotine, had become an object of alarm. 1688 conservatives are the men that fear God. It was a season to of that kind which, towards the close of last century, had arrived. Statesmen had seen nothing to dislike or dread in infidelity, so long as its teachers were the philosophers and literati of the day, and its disciples were the gay and the great in society, the loose-living, pleasure-loving votaries of fashion. The case was altogether different when that same infidelity came to be embodied in the creed of political demagogues, and in the insurrectionary movements of a depraved and reckless populace. The Parisian clubs, Infidelity, and the guillotine, and the reign of terror, began to teach men in power that Hume and Voltaire were not the best auxiliaries of the state,—and that clergymen who courted such society were not, even for the state's purpose, the most useful instructors of the people. Under the influence of such feelings, the officers of the crown in Scotland began to look somewhat more favourably upon the evangelical party in the church. Knowing well that the ministers of that party had much more to say with the people than their moderate brethren, the authorities considered it expedient and necessary now to treat the evangelical party with a little more deference than they had been accustomed for many years to enjoy. Under the influence of similar considerations, and from a growing impression among the more influential classes of society, that religion was the only effectual safeguard of social order, the holders of church patronage found it expedient not altogether to despise the claims of evangelical candidates for the ministry. The tide, in a word, began to turn. Slowly The tide, in at first, and almost insensibly, but yet steadily and increasingly, the evangelical party in the church gained strength. And while the causes already noticed contributed largely to this result, it is impossible to overlook the share in producing it which undoubtedly belonged to a few distinguished high places begins to vour of the turn in fa evangelical party. Dr. Erskine and his great influ ence. to CHAP. IV. men. During even the palmiest days of moderate ascen- 1688 dency, when to be evangelical was to be accounted and 1833. treated almost literally "as the filth of the earth, and as the offscouring of all things," the name of Dr. Erskine was Character of still a rallying point for the evangelical cause. His learning so varied, his piety so deep, his preaching so impressive, his labours so incessant, his life so unblemished, his whole character so instinct with honour and integrity-made it impossible even for dominant moderatism to treat with mere contempt the cause with which Dr. Erskine was identified. Among those who succeeded him, as leaders on the The chiefs same side, three men stand conspicuous-Moncrieff, Thomthe evangeli- son, and Chalmers-each in himself a host. Under their cal party gradually auspices, the party which long and systematic discouragement on the part of patrons and men in power had reduced fifty years ago to a small minority, waxed, like the house of David, "stronger and stronger;" while moderatism was every year becoming "weaker and weaker," like the house of Saul. under whom -- grew strong. The Rev. Sir Henry Mon crieff: his character fluence in The Rev. Sir Henry Moncrieff, the friend and biographer of Erskine, was not unworthy to succeed even such a man and his in in representing and defending the ancient constitutional the Church. principles, and the old scriptural theology of the church of Scotland. Combining, as Sir Henry did, a clear and vigorous understanding, uncommon sagacity, and a resolute will, with that manly boaring and that inflexible integrity, which even at first sight command respect, and which never fail to ensure lasting confidence, few men were ever better fitted than he to uphold a good cause in difficult and depressing times. Weakened and dispirited as they were, the evangelical minority under a less masculine leadership might have been in some danger of being crushed altogether. The contest had, in fact, become all but hopeless and useless in the general assembly. For this |