1838. 1834 divides the house of commons, is just this,-church, or no CHAP. VIL to church. People talk of the war in Spain and the Canada question; but all that is of little moment. The real question is, church, or no church: and the majority of the house of commons,- -a small majority, it is true, but still a majority,―are practically against it. It is a melancholy state of things, but such appears to me to be the actual position in which we now stand."* The views of public men, and especially of those belonging to the liberal school of politics, have undergone, within the last ten years, so great a change on the whole question of church endowments, it seems already difficult to believe that, in 1838, matters could possibly have been in the position above described. Now-a-days, in place of resisting all endowments for religious purposes, the tendency is rather to offer them indiscriminately to every ecclesiastical body that will accept them. Instead of refusing the claims of existing establishments, or threatening to take from them the endowments they at present possess, the ambition of all parties in the state seems now to be to call a new establishment into existence, by endowing, almost against its will, the Irish branch of the church of Rome. The same liberalism which formerly would have nothing to do with religion of any kind, has become quite disposed to have to do with religion of every kind, or at least of every kind that will be subservient to political uses or ends. Perhaps, after all, did an evangelical establishment,-bent upon executing its divine commission without respect of persons, and crossing often in its course of straightforward and fearless integrity, the crooked schemes of time-serving politicians,-exist at this moment in Scotland, it would find as much and as vehement opposition to a demand for From MS. notes in possession of the author, who acted as secretary to the deputation. The views of and espe cially of liberal politichanged in such ques public men, cians, much regard to tions since 1838. Instead of refusing Church enthe State to endow all especially dowments, now willing parties, and the Church of Rome. to CHAP. VII. additional endowments, as the church of Scotland actually 1834 encountered ten years ago. But, however this may be, 1838. there can be no doubt in the mind of any one acquainted with the state of parties in parliament, at the period above alluded to, that the statement given to the deputation from the church of Scotland upon that subject, was strictly and literally true. And the fact, that in the judgment of one so singularly sagacious as the Duke of Wellington, the The opposi- church establishments of the country had then so little to dowments look for at the hands of the legislature, serves only the proved how more clearly to show both the wisdom and the necessity of Church had that course which the church of Scotland had been for tion to en in 1838, wisely the acted in ing herself strengthen some years pursuing, in throwing herself more and more exposition of Church of ence of the dependent voice from within, and from without there is Scotland, in no power or authority whatever in matters ecclesiastical. his London lectures. They who feel dislike to an establishment, do so in general, 1834 because of their recoil from all contact and communication CHAP. VII. to with the state. We have no other communication with the 1838. the kind of existing between Church and State in Scotland. state than that of being maintained by it; after which, we to CHAP. VII. would remain a church notwithstanding,-as strong as ever 1834 in the props of her own moral and inherent greatness. And 1838. though shrivelled in all her dimensions by the moral injury inflicted on many thousands of families, she would be at least as strong as ever in the reverence of her country's population. She was as much a church in her days of suffering, as in her days of outward security and triumph, -when a wandering outcast, with nothing but the mountain breezes to play around her, and nought but the caves of the earth to shelter her,-as now, when admitted to the bowers of an establishment. The magistrate might withdraw his protection, and she cease to be an establishment any longer, but, in all the high matters of sacred and spiritual jurisdiction, she would be the same as before. With or without an establishment, she, in these, is the unfettered mistress of her doings. The king, by himself or by his representative, might be the spectator of our proThe memora ceedings; but what Lord Chatham said of the poor man's house, is true in all its parts of the church to which I have the honour to belong.- — In England, every man's house is his castle,'-not that it is surrounded with walls and battlements. It may be a straw-built shed. Every wind of heaven may whistle round it,-every element of heaven may enter it, but the king cannot, the king dare not." ble words of Lord Chatham applied by Dr. Chal mers to the Church of In regard to this brilliant passage there is a fact not undeserving of notice. Attempts have been often made to diminish the value of that testimony to the truth and righteousness of the cause of the church's spiritual liberty The assertion that was derived from the adhesion of Dr. Chalmers to the party who so resolutely maintained it in the ten years' conspiritual inflict. It has been said, it is to be hoped in ignorance, that dependence views late in in the beginning of that conflict he had no sympathy with the views of those with whom he was outwardly associated; that the influence and the urgency of youthful zealots first that Dr. Chalmers acquired his the ten years' condict. |