Robert Marion, Samuel McKee, Alexander McKim,
John Montgomery, Nicholas R. Moore, Thomas Moore,
Jeremiah Morrow, Gurdon S. Mumford, Roger Nelson,
Thomas Newbold, Thomas Newton, Peter B. Porter,
John Rea of Pennsylvania, John Rhea of Tennessee,
Matthias Richards, John Roane, Ebenezer Sage, Tho-
mas Sammons, Samuel Shaw, Daniel Sheffey, Dennis
Smelt, John Smilie, George Smith, John Smith, Sam-
uel Smith, Henry Southard, Richard Stanford, John
Taylor, John Thompson, Uri Tracy, George M. Troup,
Charles Turner, jun., Robert Weakley, Robert White-
hill, Richard Winn, and Robert Witherspoon.

Mr. JOHNSON, after some remarks on the present desultory mode of doing business, laid on the table, for consideration, the following reso

lution:

"Resolved, That the following be added to the standing rules and orders of the House:

"That Friday, in each week, be set apart for the consideration of reports and bills originating from petitions."

SATURDAY, January 20.

Mr. EPPES, from the Committee of Ways and Means, presented a bill making appropriations for the support of the Military Establishment of the United States, for the year 1810; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Wednesday next.

JANUARY, 1810.

justice. For instance, a British vessel might have sailed from some part of the world for a port of the United States, under the arrangement of April, without a knowledge of its having been disavowed that another section of the bill would do equal injustice to our own citizens by making it peaal after the 15th day of April to import British or French produce indirectly-for instance, although such trade is not now legal (admitting the nonintercourse to be in force as to Great Britain, which however Mr. L. denied) yet a vessel might have sailed on a voyage beyond the Cape of Good Hope between the period of the arrangement and that of its disavowal, and might on its return bring a cargo of such interdicted products. The intention being innocent in both these cases.it would be the greatest injustice that the vessels should be subject to forfeiture.

cases supposed could scarcely happen; that time It was said in reply, by Mr. SHEFFEY, that the sufficient had elapsed between the disavowal and the present time to cover all probable cases of foreign vessels arriving; that it was very improbable that a case should occur in which our own citizens could suffer, for it was by no means an usual mode of conveyance to import the manufac tures of Great Britain circuitously, through ports beyond the Cape of Good Hope; that the doctrine on which the gentleman grounded his motion was. stead of on a general rule; that even if these sug that it was proper to legislate on exceptions in posed cases should occur, the same power was by another section vested in the Secretary of the Treasury in relation to this bill, which he now

Mr. EPPES, from the same committee, presented a bill making appropriations for the support of the Navy of the United States, for the year 1810; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Thursday next. Mr. EPPES, from the same co nmittee, also pre-possesses in relation to the non-intercourse law sented a bill making appropriations for the viz: to remit penalties, when in his opinion in port of Government, during the year 1810; which nocently incurred. Mr. S. further remarked, that was read twice, and committed to a Committee if any amendment were necessary to the bill of the Whole on Tuesday next. it certainly was not such a one as that now under Mr. VAN HORN presented a petition of Rebecca consideration, which went to destroy the princi Hodgson, William B. Hodgson and Joseph Hodg-ple of the bill by suspending its operation till the

sup

son, of the city of Washington, widow and or-
phan children of Joseph Hodgson, deceased, pray-
ing to be compensated for the loss of a house sit-
uated in said city, which was consumed by fire
whilst in the occupancy of the United States as
an office for the War Department.-Referred to
the Committee of Claims.

AMERICAN NAVIGATION ACT.
The House resumed the consideration of the
bill concerning commercial intercourse with Great
Britain and France, and for other purposes.

Mr. LIVERMORE moved the following as an
amendment to the bill: "And be it further enacted,
That the operation of the 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th,
and 8th sections be suspended until after the
day of ——— next.”

The blank Mr. L. proposed to fill with the first day of January next.

The reasons urged by Mr. LIVERMORE for the motion were, that vessels of Great Britain and France which had sailed into our ports under expectation of being hospitably admitted, would be liable to forfeiture immediately on their arrival in our ports, which would be an act of great in

first of January, 1811, when by its own limitation
it was to expire the 3d of March, 1811.
Mr. LIVERMORE's amendment was negatived
ayes 24.

Mr. MUMFORD observed, that this was a very
important bill, which he believed had not been
published in any of the papers north of the Sus-
quehanna; and, having been detained from the
seat of Government, till within a few days, by a
severe dispensation of Divine Providence, he had
not himself had time maturely to consider it. I
consider it, said he, a momentous question; a sub-
ject of great importance, involving some of the
best interests of this nation. There are many
features of the bill to which I have not much ch
jection. It appears to contain three principles;
the first, to exclude foreign armed ships from our
waters, has a bearing on the affair of the Chesa-
peake; an outrage which I can scarcely think of
with patience, and which, in my opinion, was
tantamount to a declaration of war; and, could I
have had my way, I would have driven them
from our own waters at every hazard. The sec
ond is on the principle of a navigation act, which
I should like to see enlarged upon, and made a

JANUARY, 1810.

American Navigation Act.

H. OF R.

permanent system. I should wish to see some sel." And I have been informed it could not be further provision in the bill to meet the counter- had, at one particular period, under eight or ten vailing law which will most likely be passed by guineas per barrel. If the non-intercourse had Great Britain. As to the eleventh section, which been properly enforced, it would have had a serirepeals the non-intercourse law altogether, I can- ous effect on them. The partial operation of this not give my assent to it. I have insurmountable bill will carry the great bulk of our produce to objections, sir. What are we to do? Did we Great Britain only, and you, will injure the fair not, in the last winter session, enter our most direct trade to the Continent, which has become solemn protest against the decrees of France and very lucrative for our own products. However Great Britain; and, after serious debates of days we may differ in opinion on the indirect trade, and weeks, this House did most solemnly resolve, yet I do hope the nation will consent to foster, by one hundred and twenty-one votes to two, that protect, and defend the commerce arising out of they would not submit to the obnoxious decrees of the productions of our own soil. If gentlemen the belligerents? And wherein does your situa- do not choose to defend the carriage of sugar and tion differ now from your position then, but in the coffee, let the merchants take that risk themselves; aggravation of accumulated insults and wrongs? but I think it is high time that we should protect By repealing the non-intercourse altogether, you the productions of our own country, carried by submit to those very orders and decrees. I should our own citizens, in our own vessels. If it shall prefer to have the non-intercourse continued and be determined that we will not protect this direct enforced without further provision in the law. trade, we may as well give up all commerce at All this talk about not executing our laws is an once, and adopt some other system. I would suginadmissible doctrine. I hope never to hear it gest this course: that the President of the United repeated again. This is a Government of laws; States should be authorized to cause the armed and if a law be once surrendered, under an idea vessels to assemble at, and convoy from the ports of our not being able to execute it, there will of the United States, American vessels loaded soon be an end of representative government. I with the products of our own soil, manned by care not about the clamor that you cannot exe- citizens of our own country. Proof before a macute your laws. Employ all the military and gistrate that the whole are bona fide the property naval force of the nation to execute them. If of citizens of the United States shall be exhibyou do not make your laws respected, your re-ited to the respective collectors of the customs, publican form of government will receive such a to examine, and certify to them that the articles shock as will shake it to its very centre, and may loaded on board of such vessels are wholly the eventually terminate in a military despotism. produce of our own country; and the collectors What will be the effect, of the dismissal of Mr. shall also be satisfied that it is the property of Jackson, I cannot say; but, from the best infor- citizens of the United States, and produce as mation I can obtain, a war with us appears to aforesaid; that an abstract of the proof so exhibhave become more popular in Great Britain, and ited to the collectors, should be delivered by them, I doubt very much, indeed, whether the Ministry under their respective hands and seals, to the comhave not contrived to make it a popular project. mander of the vessel that the President of the It is very popular with the navy, and they rule United States should designate for that purpose, England much in the same way as the military which commander should be authorized to prorule France. It is a common saying with them ceed to such ports and places as have no decrees that no other commerce is now to be seen on the violating the lawful commerce of the United ocean but the American stripes; and they with States. And if, in the prosecution of this tradedifficulty restrain their inclination to seize it un-authorized, I conceive, by the law of nations-he der some frivolous pretext. Sir, if you renew should meet a ship of war of either belligerent, I your intercourse direct with Great Britain, what should, under my present impressions, be willing will be the consequence? Will you supply your that the commander of the convoy should exhibit enemy with the very means of destroying you? to either of them, as the case might happen, these Gentlemen say that the non-intercourse was of documents, proved before your own officers to be no effect. What is the fact? Let us examine the property as aforesaid, stating to them, briefly, that argument, the best of all others. The mo- that he had the honor to bear a commission from ment the President's proclamation renewing the the Chief Magistrate of this country, that the non-intercourse was known in Great Britain, cot-vessels under his convoy were really and bona ton rose from eleven to twenty-four pence ster- fide the same as described in the proofs set forth ling, per pound, more than double the price that by an officer acting under the orders of his Govit was when the trade was direct; naval stores ernment, and that he was not bound to any port have considerably more than doubled in price, actually invested or blockaded. If, under these and other articles in proportion. A British ves-circumstances, your direct trade should be mosel arrived in the port of New York during the lested, the officer should be authorized to resist, interval of a direct trade, with a damaged cargo, and defend his convoy to the last extremity. If, which sailed from England before supplies ar sir, you will not protect and defend such a trade, rived. When the captain was asked how the we ought to surrender our commerce at once, and goods happened to be damaged, his reply was let the nation know what they have to depend "because he could not, at that time, get sufficient upon. This is the view I have of the subject at tar and pitch for the necessary repairs of his ves-present, and I cannot consent to let loose the com11th CoN. 2d SESS.-40

merce of my country to be exposed to become a prey to the first marauder that chooses to molest it; and, by way of amendment to this bill, I now take the liberty of offering two new sections for the consideration of the House. After the tenth section, add the following:

And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, authorized to cause the armed vessels of the United States to be held in readiness to protect and defend, by convoy, the merchant ships and vessels belonging to the citizens of the United States, and navigated wholly by citizens of the United States, loaded with the articles of the growth, produce, and manufacture of the United States and Territories thereof, contraband of war excepted, bound to such foreign ports or places as have no decrees violating the lawful commerce of the United States.

And be it further enacted, That the citizens of the United States who shall put their ships or vessels under protection or convoy of the armed vessel or vessels of the United States, shall be permitted to arm in their defence; and for the better security of the property of the citizens of the United States, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, and he is hereby authorized, to require the collectors of the customs in the several ports of the United States to receive from the owners of the ships or vessels and their cargoes, belonging to the citizens of the United States, such proof of the property loaded as aforesaid; and in case the said property loaded on board the said vessel shall be satisfactorily proven to the collector of the port from whence the vessel shall depart, to be of the growth, produce, and manufacture of the United States or Territories thereof, contraband of war excepted, belonging wholly to the citizens of the United States, the said collector shall deliver the proofs of the property so loaded on board of the respective vessels, with a certificate under his hand and seal, that he is satisfied with the proofs exhibited to him; the whole of which he shall deliver to the commander of such ship or vessel as the President of the United States may designate for that purpose.

JANUARY. 1810.

Mr. BURWELL withdrew his motion for recommitment; for he said he was aware of the propri ety of making the proposed amendment the subject of a distinct bill.

Mr. MILNOR renewed the motion. His object appeared to be to strike out of the present bill a part which he deemed wholly inconsistent with the proposed amendment.

Mr. PICKMAN Supported the motion on the same grounds.

Mr. GARDENIER opposed a recommitment, as he was content to vote for the bill as it now stood. Mr. MACON was opposed to recommitment, com ceiving the proposed amendment to embraces subject not necessarily connected with the pre

sent bill.

Mr. GHOLSON spoke in favor of a commitment of the bill, but wished it to be committed to a select committee for the purpose of new-modelling it, conceiving the bill to be objectionable in its present shape.

Mr. MILNOR varied his motion thus-" that the bill be recommitted to a select committee, with instructions to divde the same by introducing the third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth tenth, and twelfth sections in a separate bill Mr. MILNOR's object was to have a bill reported to retain only the features of exclusion of armed vessels and repeal of non-intercourse.

Mr. GHOLSON required a division of the motion so as to take the question simply on recomma

ment.

Messrs. EPPES and TROUP spoke in favor of recommitment, with a view to procuring a report of a bill characterized by stronger features.

Messrs. DANA and QUINCY were in favor of re commitment, with a view to expunging from the bill those features which they deemed too hars

Messrs. MACON, SMILIE, and MCKEE, spoke against commitment, because they were satishe with the bill in its present form. and because A motion was then made by Mr. MONTGOM-amendments, if necessary, could be as well made ERY to amend the bill, by inserting the following without commitment. section:

And be it further enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for the President of the United States, and he is hereby authorized, to give instructions to the armed vessels thereof, to seize any vessel or vessels evading or violating this law, and to bring the same into any port of the United States, or the Territories thereof, for adjudication.

Mr. BURWELL moved to recommit the bill for the purpose of a more full discussion of the amendment offered.

[In the course of this debate several gentlemen. proceeding to discuss the propriety of the amend ment proposed on the motion to recommit were declared out of order; and in one case, an appeal being made to the House the Speaker's decision was confirmed by a large majority.]

The question on recommitting the bill to a lect committee was decided by yeas and Days, to 61, as follows:

YEAS-William Anderson, Ezekiel Bacon, David making the proposition in question the subject of tenden, Matthew Clay, John Clopton, William Craw Mr. SHEFFEY spoke in favor of the propriety of Bard, Jas. Breckenridge, William A. Burwell, John C. Chamberlain, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chita separate bill. He deprecated the charging this ford, Henry Crist, Samuel W. Dana, Joseph Desha. bill with propositions not connected with it, and William Ely, Jas. Emott, John W. Eppes, Jonathan which would defeat its passage. He was proceed-Fisk, David S. Garland, Thomas Gholson, jr., Thos. R. ing to show the impropriety of passing the amendment, but was called to order by Mr. KEY, and resumed his seat.

Mr. SMILIE was, like the gentleman who preceded him, opposed to blending peace and war measures, and therefore he said, he was opposed

to the recommitment of the bill.

Gold, William Hale, Nathaniel A. Haven, William
Helms, Benjamin Howard, Jacob Hufy, Richard

Jackson, junior, Robert Jenkins, Philip B. Key, Jos.

thews, William Milnor, Jonathan O. Mosely, Gurder
S. Mumford, Thos. Newbold, Thos. Newton, Timot
| Pitkin, jr., John Porter, Peter B. Porter, Josiah Qui

Maritime Precincts-Convoy and Arming

On motion of Mr. JOHNSON, the House pro-and eighty-three; and, also, for making examinaeeded to consider the resolution proposed by him n Friday last; and the same being again read, n the following words, to wit:

tions and observations with respect to St. George's Bank, and any other bank or shoal, and the soundings and currents beyond the distance aforesaid, Resolved, That the following be added to the stand-to the Gulf Stream; and that the committee

On motion of Mr. BURWELL, the House proceeded to consider the resolution proposed by The question was taken that the House do him on Friday last; and the same being again gree thereto, and resolved in the affirmative-read, in the words following, to wit: ¡eas 88, nays

H. OF R.

Army of the United States.

JANUARY, 1810.

Chittenden, Matthew Clay, John Clopton, Howell tion to objects of this vast importance. PremisCobb, James Cochran, Henry Crist, Richard Cutts, ing thus much, I beg leave to submit the followSamuel W. Dana, John Dawson, Joseph Desha, Wil-ing resolution: liam Ely, James Emott, William Findley, Jonathan Resolved, That the President of the United States Fisk, Barzillai Gannett, David S. Garland, Thomas Gholson, junior, Thomas R. Gold, Daniel Heister, be requested to cause to be laid before this House, by William Helms, Benjamin Howard, Jonathan H. the proper department, a statement of the number of Hubbard, Jacob Hufty, John G. Jackson, Richard troops composing the regular army of the United Jackson, jun., Robert Jenkins, Richard M. Johnson, States, the number stationed at each of the frontier Walter Jones, Philip B. Key, Joseph Lewis, junior, garrisons, or forts, and particularly the condition of Edward St. Loe Livermore, Robert Le Roy Living-fence of New Orleans, the number sent there, the dif that detachment of the regular force allotted for the deston, Aaron Lyle, Nathaniel Macon, Robert Marion, ferent dispositions which have been made of the de Vincent Matthews, Archibald McBryde, Samuel McKee, Pleasant M. Miller, John Montgomery, Nich-tachments, and the present effective force of the same. olas R. Moore, Thomas Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, Jon- with such other information as he may deem necessary to communicate respecting the state of the army. athan O. Mosely, Roger Nelson, Thomas Newbold, Thos. Newton, John Nicholson, Benjamin Pickman, jr., Timothy Pitkin, jr., John Porter, Peter B. Porter, Elisha R. Potter, Josiah Quincy, John Rea of Pennsylvania, John Rhea of Tennessee, Matthias Richards, John Roane, Erastus Root, John Ross, Ebenezer Sage, Thos. Sammons, Lemuel Sawyer, Ebenezer Seaver, Adam Seybert, Samuel Shaw, Daniel Sheffey, Dennis Smelt, John Smilie, George Smith, Samuel Smith, Henry Southard, John Stanley, William Stedman, James Stephenson, Lewis B. Sturges, Benjamin Tallmadge, John Taylor, John Thompson, Uri Tracy, Jabez Upham, Nicholas Van Dyke, Archibald Van Horn, Killian K. Van Rensselaer, Robert Weakley, Ezekiel Whitman, Richard Winn, and Robert Witherspoon. NAYS-Adam Boyd, John Brown, Robert Brown, William Butler, William Crawford, Gideon Gardner, Charles Goldsborough, Edwin Gray, William Hale, Nathaniel A. Haven, James Holland, Gurdon S. Mumford, Richard Stanford, Jacob Swoope, Samuel Taggart, Laban Wheaton, Robert Whitehill, and Jas.

Wilson.

Mr. DANA Suggested the propriety of qualifying the resolution, as it embraced perhaps too minute an inquiry into the state of the garrisons, and might require information which it might not be proper to communicate; in which case, however, Mr.D. trusted that the President would have firmness enough to withhold such information as he shoud deem improper to make.

Mr. DAWSON said he could see no possible advantage which could result from the passage of this resolution; that it might, on the contrary do much harm, by exposing the situation of our frontiers. The President of the United States as Commander-in-Chief, had a right to make such disposition of the Army as he thought proper; and it was a subject which did not properly come within the cognizance of the House.

Mr. NEWTON replied that Congress had the control of the Army, by being annually called upon to vote appropriations for its support; and it was their duty to inquire into the state of it, and to examine whether it was adequate to the pubuc exigency.

Mr. TALLMADGE coincided with the gentleman last up, in the opinion that this was information which the House ought to have; it was their duty to obtain it. He suggested a modification of the resolution. He said it would be desirable to know not only the particular force of the U ted States, but how it was officered, where the offcers were stationed, and in what duty they were employed whilst in the pay of the Government. On the suggestion of Mr. TALLMADGE, the resolution was varied, by striking out the words in italic, and substituting the following: "a retura of the Army of the United States, specifying the particular force of each regiment or corps, with the destination of the principal officers command

Mr. NEWTON said he rose to submit to the consideration of the House a resolution of some importance. He said he was satisfied, when gentle men became acquainted with the objects embraced by it, they would readily extend to it their patronage. Gentlemen are aware (said he) of the situation in which this country is placed with respect to the belligerent Powers. It becomes us at this crisis to be extremely circumspect, to render our particular attention to every object connected with our defence. The President of the United States, not long since, by message, has informed us that he conceives it necessary to placeing the same." at his disposition a detachment of militia, of one hundred thousand men, and also twenty thousand volunteers. In this state of things, it becomes important to make some inquiry into the standing army of the United States. It is necessary for us to know what is the number of the standing troops; the distribution of them in our frontier garrisons, or forts; whether the organization be such as it ought to be; whether any abuses Mr. NEWTON said the House ought to have be have crept in-and, if they have, to apply the fore it a view of the whole state of the Army corrective. We are placed here as the people's and not to confine their view to any particular sentinels, and it is our duty to direct our atten- limb of it. He thought great advantage would

Mr. GHOLSON was opposed to so general an inquiry. He had heard no intimation that the gen eral state of the Army required inquiry; foraught he had heard, its general state was good. lithere had been misconduct at New Orleans, he wished to see an inquiry leading directly to that point; wished, by narrowing the inquiry, to come honestly and fairly at the object in view.

he