unity and force, are obviated by a federal* union, unknown to the republics of antiquity.

We may perhaps expect, arguing from what we see of the violence of contested elections at home, that they must, a fortiori, be attended with tumult and riot a thousandfold worse in a country where something nearly approaching to universal suffrage exists,

* Paley thus speaks of a federal republic:-" We have been accustomed to an opinion, that a republican form of government suits only with the affairs of a small estate." After then enumerating several of the objections usually urged against republican governments, he proceeds :

"Add to these considerations, that in a democratic constitution the mechanism is too complicated, and the motions too slow, for the operations of a great empire, whose defence and government require execution and despatch, in proportion to the magnitude, extent and variety of its concerns. There is weight, no doubt, in these reasons, but much of the objection seems to be done away by the contrivance of a federal republic, which distributing the country into districts of a commodious extent, and leaving to each district its internal legislation, reserves to a convention of the states, the adjustment of their relative claims; the levying, direction and government of the common force of the confederacy; the requisition of subsidies for the support of this force; the making of peace and war; the entering into treaties; the regulation of foreign commerce; the equalization of duties upon imports, so as to prevent the defrauding of the revenue of one province by smuggling articles of taxation from the borders of another; and likewise so as to guard against undue partialities in the encouragement of trade. To what limits such a republic might, without inconveniency, enlarge its dominions by assuming neighbouring provinces into the confederation; or how far it is capable of uniting the liberty of a small commonwealth with the safety of a powerful empire; or whether, amongst co-ordinate powers, dissensions and jealousies would not be likely to arise, which, for want of a common superior, might proceed to fatal extremities;

whereas we find that, compared with our assemblies, the elections of the United States are order itself, pelting, mobbing, or brawling, are almost unheard of on such occasions, and more than all, there is little or no bribery, or possibility of succeeding merely by dint of money.

are questions upon which the records of mankind do not authorize us to decide with tolerable certainty. The experiment is about to be tried in America upon a large scale."-Vide Paley, "Of Diferent Forms of Government," chap. vi.

CHAPTER III.

Supposed defects of American form of goverment examined.— Proneness to war.-] -National feelings towards England.-M. de Talleyrand's observations on that subject.--M. Politica. -Advice of Washington on the foreign policy to be adopted by the United States.

MANY objections have been made to the political system of the United States, founded generally upon certain theories, or deduced from observations on the results of governments called republics that have already existed. The principal defects attributed to the form of government adopted in America are these that the preponderance of the democratic party in the state will force the government into wars and aggressions upon other countries, particularly where national antipathies or predilections exist― that the representatives chosen by the mass of the people become mere delegates, whose abilities and judgments are fettered by the popular will-that property must be insecure under such circumstances, and that none but men of low origin and unfitted for high situations will be elected by the classes forming the numerical majority of votes in the United States-that the judicial powers in the state will lose

their independence-and that the alleged economy of the American government is a delusion which only requires some examination of facts to dispel.

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First, as to the warlike propensities attributed to republican governments, it is evident that the institutions of the United States are not obnoxious to an accusation founded upon a supposed resemblance between the United States and the French republic of the last century. Capt. B. Hall makes some judicious remarks upon this subject when speaking of the possibility of a future invasion of the Canadas.* A country that, with a population of 13,000,000, finds a standing army of 6000 ment sufficiently large for all its purposes, is unlikely to embark in wars of ambition, if even territorial acquisition were thought requisite for its strength, which is certainly not the case with America. For the purposes of defensive warfare, there is perhaps no country more formidably provided than the United States at the present day. In 1827, their militia,

* See also Paley. "The advantages of a republic are, liberty, or exemption from needless restrictions; equal laws; regulations adapted to the wants and circumstances of the people; public spirit; frugality; averseness to war, &c." Paley on Different Forms of Government.

† It is somewhat singular that the number of pensioners (all military, as there are no civil pensions granted in the United States) should greatly exceed that of the whole army. They still amount to 16,324, principally men who were engaged in the revolutionary war.

almost precisely similar to the national guard of France in its organization, amounted to upwards of 1,150,000, and all parties agree that few countries are better prepared to resist foreign invasion.*

On the other hand, aggressive wars are little likely to be undertaken by a country so opposed to heavy taxation as America, and where such powerful obstacles exist to the dangerous or unconstitutional ambition of any military leader. It has been asserted that any popular demonstration of national jealousy, or dislike of a particular country, would hurry a republican administration into warlike measures upon slight grounds, and that in the United States such hostility would be more likely to display itself against Great Britain than any other power, from the alleged dislike and antipathy pervading all classes towards England and Englishmen. The evidence of this feeling, as regards individuals, cannot be found in many works of late writers, however hostile to the political institutions of America; on the contrary, it is only necessary to open almost any chapter of Capt. Hall's Travels, of Mr de Roos's or M. Vigne's, &c.,t

* The Quarterly Review admits this, more suo: "The nation may be compared to a great sand-bank, of which all the particles may be good enough in themselves, but which, except for the purpose of destroying any one who attempts to meddle with them, have no principle of joint action," &c.—Vide Quarterly Review, No. XCIII. March, on "Domestic Manners of the Americans."

+ Capt. Basil Hall, Vol. III. p. 2. "The same kindness and

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