over us all. In that hour of our dismay, from the bottom of the hiding-places, into which the indifcriminate rigour of our ftatutes had driven them, came out the body of the Roman Catholics. They appeared before the steps of a tottering throne, with one of the most sober, meafured, fteady, and dutiful addreffes, that was ever prefented to the crown. It was no holiday ceremony; no anniversary compliment of parade and fhow. It was figned by almost every gentleman of that perfuafion, of note or property, in England. At fuch a crifis, nothing but a decided refolution to ftand or fall with their country could have dictated fuch an address; the direct tendency of which was to cut off all retreat; and to render them peculiarly obnoxious to an invader of their own communion. The addrefs fhewed, what I long languifhed to fee, that all the fubjects of England had caft off all foreign views and connexions, and that every man looked for his relief from every grievance, at the hands only of his own natural government.

name.

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It was neceffary, on our part, that the natural government should fhew itself worthy of that It was neceffary, at the crifis I fpeak of, that the fupreme power of the ftate fhould meet the conciliatory difpofitions of the fubject. To delay protection would be to reject allegiance. And why should it be rejected, or even coldly and fufpiciously received? If any independent Catholic ftate fhould choose to take part with this kingdom in a war with France and Spain, that bigot (if fuch a bigot could be found) would

would be heard with little refpect, who could dream of objecting his religion to an ally, whom the nation would not only receive with its freeft thanks, but purchase, with the last remains of its exhausted treasure. To fuch an ally we should not dare to whisper a single fyllable of those base and invidious topics, upon which, fome unhappy men would perfuade the ftate, to reject the duty and allegiance of its own members. Is it then, because foreigners are in a condition to fet our malice at defiance, that with them, we are willing to contract engagements of friendship, and to keep them with fidelity and honour; but that, because we conceive, fome descriptions of our countrymen are not powerful enough to punish our malignity, we will not permit them to fupport our common intereft? Is it on that ground, that our anger is to be kindled by their offered kindness, and that they are to be fubjected to penalties, because they are willing, by actual merit, to purge themselves from imputed crimes? Left by an adherence to the cause of their country they fhould acquire a title to fair and equitable treatment, are we refolved to furnish them with causes of eternal enmity; and rather supply them with juft and founded motives to difaffection, than not to have that difaffection in existence to justify an oppreffion, which, not from policy but difpofition, we have determined to exercise?

What shadow of reafon could be affigned, why, at a time, when the most Proteftant part of

this

this Proteftant empire found it for its advantage to unite with the two principal Popish states, to unite itself in the closest bonds with France and Spain, for our deftruction, that we should refufe to unite with our own Catholic countrymen for our own preservation? Ought we, like madmen, to tear off the plaifters, that the lenient hand of prudence had spread over the wounds and gashes, which in our delirium of ambition we had given to our own body? No perfon ever reprobated the American war more than I did, and do, and ever fhall. But I never will confent that we fhould lay additional voluntary penalties on ourfelves, for a fault which carries but too much of its own punishment in its own nature. For one, I was delighted with the propofal of internal peace. I accepted the bleffing with thankfulness and tranfport; I was truly happy, to find one good effect of our civil diftractions, that they had put an end to all religious ftrife and heart-burning in our own bowels. What must be the fentiments of a man, who could wish to perpetuate domeftic hoftility, when the causes of difpute are at an end; and who, crying out for peace with one part of the nation on the most humiliating terms, should deny it to those, who offer friendship without any terms at all?

But if I was unable to reconcile fuch a denial to the contracted principles of local duty, what answer could I give to the broad claims of géneral humanity? I confefs to you freely, that the fufferings and diftreffes of the people of

America

America in this cruel war, have at times affected me more deeply than I can express. I felt every Gazette of triumph as a blow upon my heart, which has an hundred times funk and fainted within me at all the mifchiefs brought upon thofe who bear the whole brunt of war in the heart of their country. Yet the Americans are utter ftrangers to me; a nation, among whom I am not sure, that I have a fingle acquaintance. Was I to fuffer my mind to be so unaccountably warped; was I to keep fuch iniquitous weights and meafures of temper and of reafon, as to fympathife with those who are in open rebellion against an authority which I refpect, at war with a country which by every title ought to be, and is moft dear to me; and yet to have no feeling at all for the hardships and indignities fuffered by men, who, by their very vicinity, are bound up in a nearer relation to us; who contribute their fhare, and more than their fhare, to the common profperity; who perform the common offices of focial life, and who obey the laws to the full as well as I do? Gentlemen, the danger to the state being out of the question (of which, let me tell you, ftatefmen themselves are apt to have but too exquifite a fenfe) I could af fign no one reafon of justice, policy, or feeling, for not concurring moft cordially, as moft cordially I did concur, in foftening some part of that shameful fervitude, under which feveral of my worthy fellow-citizens were groaning,

Important effects followed this act of wisdom. They appeared at home and abroad, to the great

benefit

benefit of this kingdom; and, let me hope, to the advantage of mankind at large. It betokened union among ourfelves. It fhewed foundness, even on the part of the perfecuted, which generally is the weak fide of every community. But its most effential operation was not in England. The act was immediately, though very imperfectly, copied in Ireland; and this imperfect transcript of an imperfect act, this first faint fketch of toleration, which did little more than disclose a principle, and mark out a dispofition, completed in a moft wonderful manner the re-union to the ftate, of all the Catholics of that country. It made us, what we ought always to have been, one family, one body, one heart and foul, against the family-combination, and all other combinations of our enemies. We have indeed obligations to that people, who received fuch small benefits with so much gratitude; and for which gratitude and attachment to us, I am afraid they have suffered not a little in other places.

I dare fay, you have all heard of the privileges indulged to the Irish Catholics refiding in Spain. You have likewise heard with what circumstances of feverity they have been lately expelled from the fea-ports of that kingdom; driven into the inland cities; and there detained as a fort of prisoners of state. I have good reafon to believe, that it was the zeal to our government and our cause, (fomewhat indiscreetly expreffed in one of the addreffes of the Catholics of Ireland) which has thus drawn down on their