that the proper course, now that a person, after examination, had confessed himself to be the editor of the paper? The honourable member, he thought, would be the last to desire anything vindictive or harsh.

Mr Wynn was prepared to give an immediate negative to the prosecution. It would be impossible for a jury to inquire into the truth of the representation. Members of that House could not go before a jury to prove what they said in that House. He could not consent, except upon the very strongest grounds, to depart from the usual practice of the House in such cases-the exercise of the privilege of commitment. He thought that, as an editor of a paper was now before them, they ought to proceed against him instanter by a commitment for contempt.

Mr Brougham took nearly the same view of the subject. He would not say that there was no case in which it might not be more fitting for the House to proceed by prosecution at common law, than by commitment; but this he would say, that, if the present case was not one in which they were entitled to commit, there was no instance on record in which the right of commitment had been properly exercised. In his opinion, the present was as gross a breach of privilege as had ever been brought under the consideration of Parliament. It was as palpable an obstruction to the free and unbiassed exercise of the privileges of each individual member of Parliament, as could be conceived by the imagination of man. It stood upon all the grounds on which former breaches of privilege had been declared such by the highest of authorities in the best of times; and, unless the House was determined to abandon every point on which their ancestors had insisted, he could not consent to negative their proceed

ing in the usual mode by commit

ment.

On this subject, however, the opinion of the highest popular leaders was not altogether united. Sir Francis Burdett fully coincided in opinion with the noble marquis in the blue ribband, that it was impossible for the House to agree to the institution of a prosecution by the AttorneyGeneral against these individuals, after having sifted and examined them in the most inquisitorial manner, by a process which, at the very best, was equivocal, and which would be most unjust and intolerable, if it were to send them for trial to a jury with a decision of that House against them, and with sufficient evidence taken from their own mouths to substantiate their guilt. Besides, the Attorney-General, he begged leave to remind them, was not an officer under the orders of the House; he was an officer of the crown; and, being such, should they wish him to prosecute, they ought to commence by proposing an address to his Majesty-which, he was of opinion, they would think highly objectionable that he would give directions to that officer to institute a certain prosecution in defence of the privileges of the Commons of England. He must confess, that he did not perceive that any privilege of the House had been violated. The House possessed no privilege by which it could legally preclude the publication of such writings as were then before it. As far as he could see, no breach of privilege had taken place, unless it were a breach of privilege to make a false report of a speech delivered in that House. But the paragraph in question was not a false report of what had occurred in the House, but of what had occurred out of it. He fully agreed with the noble lord, that the mode of proceeding now proposed was highly unjust,

and added, that he had no doubt that the honourable member for Shrewsbury would be disposed, by his innate sense of justice, not to press a proposition upon the House which was likely to be so detrimental in its future consequences.

Sir Robert Wilson again declared, that his honourable friend, the member for Shrewsbury, was making an attempt to drag to light that miscreant, that base and dastardly assassin, who, under the protection of the press, had been waging a savage and unrelenting war against all whom he conceived to be weak, defenceless, and oppressed. Whatever might be the issue of the attempt, the gratitude of the House was due to him for having made it.

On the following day, the debate was resumed, and Mr Scarlett opposed the measure, yet was fully satisfied that some means ought to have been resorted to to find out the author of the article. He was the more anxious on the subject, because reports had gone abroad, and were very generally believed, that persons high in rank, and worthy (if such per sons be at all so considered) of a seat in the councils of the nation, were lending to this publication their full countenance and support. When such, then, was the belief abroad, he thought that his honourable friend was doing but justice to the House itself, to give it an opportunity of refuting the assertion, if it could be refuted, that such men held a seat amongst them.

This idea was followed up by Sir Ronald Fergusson, whose only wish was, that the real author of the article in question could be discovered. It was indeed a new era in the history of this country to see a paper flourish, which had been started to blast the character of a virtuous and innocent woman, and it was an era

still more new to find such a paper supported as it had been. He wished to God he could believe that the worthless men who had appeared at their bar were the authors of the paragraph complained of, and of others which appeared in that paper; but there were certain articles inserted in it which led him to believe that they could not be the authors, but that the authors were some base and cowardly assassins, who, from birth and other adventitious circumstances, mingled in that society to which they were a disgrace.

On this point the Marquis of Londonderry could not but observe, he regretted that the honourable and learned gentleman (Mr Scarlett) who had opened the discussion this night, than whom no member in that House was better acquainted with the principles of justice, and who ought to have that innate sense of justice which belonged to his profession, had suffered himself to make remarks which were calculated to throw slanderous attacks on unnamed persons, and which might give great pain and occasion much injury to persons to whom the speculation of the world might attach the slander. An honourable and gallant general (Sir Ronald Fergusson) who had followed, would forgive him also for saying, that, in expressing his indignation, he had been too partial. He should have been happy, when torrents of libel issued from the press against individuals as dignified and as dear to the nation as any individuals could be, he should have been happy to have then perceived the spirit of generous indignation and loyal abhorrence which appeared on this occasion; he would have honoured the principle from which such indignation might spring. But he could not admire the spirit which prompted indig

nation only against attacks on one's friends, and regarded not the attacks on political enemies.

Mr Scarlett, in explanation, protested that it had no more entered his mind to throw a general stigma on any party, or any class of persons, than it had entered the mind of the noble lord. He had heard people out of doors say, that the particular paragraph complained of must have been written by a member of that House. He had heard no individual named. He did not believe it had been written by a member; and his honourable friend (Mr Bennet) had vindicated the House from such an imputation by proving the contrary from the mouth of the author at their bar.

Mr Bennet, in deference to the opinion expressed by several of his friends, begged leave to withdraw his

Mr Baring, however, conceiving that the House was thus left in an awk. ward situation, and that severe punishment was certainly due, moved the committal of Cooper to Newgate.

Lord Castlereagh proposed an amendment, by which he was to be placed in the custody of the serjeantat-arms, but afterwards withdrew it; and the original motion was carried by 109 against 23. In this minority, however, were included several of the most decided popular leaders.

On the 11th of July, the Session was closed by the following speech from the throne, delivered by commission to both Houses, by the Lord Chancellor :

"My Lords and Gentlemen, "We have it in command from his Majesty to inform you, that the state of public business having enabled him to dispense with your attendance in Parliament, he has determined to put an end to this Session.

"His Majesty, however, cannot close it without expressing his satisfaction at the zeal and assiduity with which you have prosecuted the laborious and important inquiries in which you have been engaged.

"He has observed, with particular pleasure, the facility with which the restoration of a metallic currency has been effected, by the authority given to the Bank of England to commence its payments in cash at an earlier period than had been determined by the last Parliament.

"His Majesty has commanded us to acquaint you, that he continues to receive from foreign powers the strong. est assurances of their friendly disposition towards this country.

"Gentlemen of the House of Com

mons,

"We are commanded by his Majesty to return you his thanks for the provision which you have made for the public service.

"Although the public expenditure has already undergone considerable reduction within the present year, his Majesty trusts he shall be enabled by the continuance of peace, and of internal tranquillity, to make such further reductions as may satisfy the just expectations expressed by Parliament.

"His Majesty has commanded us to assure you of the gratification which he has derived from the provision which you have made for his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence.

"My Lords and Gentlemen, "It is with the greatest satisfaction that his Majesty has observed the quiet and good order which continue to prevail in those parts of the country, which were, not long since, in a state of agitation.

"His Majesty deeply laments the

distress to which the agricultural interests, in many parts of the kingdom, are still subject.

"It will be his Majesty's most anxious desire, by a strict attention to public economy, to do all that depends upon him for the relief of the country from its present difficulties; but you cannot fail to be sensible that

the success of all efforts for this purpose will mainly depend upon the continuance of domestic tranquillity; and his Majesty confidently relies on your utmost exertions, in your several counties, in enforcing obedience to the laws, and in promoting harmony and concord amongst all descriptions of his Majesty's subjects.".

DURING the whole of this year, the personal concerns of the Royal Family, and the feelings of the nation with regard to them, continued to be prominent objects. We have already seen, that the sweeping and boundless enthusiasm, which once absorbed the nation, in favour of one member of that house, gradually abated. Even at the commencement of the present year, it was kept alive, almost wholly, by curiosity as to the measures to be taken by Parliament, and the situation in which her Majesty was to be placed. When the consequent debates were over, and when it was announced that the Queen had accepted the provision voted for her, an entire revolution ensued in the public mind. That impassioned interest in her concerns, which had perva ded the people, suddenly expired. The name which had resounded in every popular club and meeting, and filled the pages of every journal, was heard no longer. Even the most zealous of the popular leaders, no longer found that it could be employed with benefit to their cause. It had been well enough if matters had stopped here; but the

British public, though they may in time recognize their errors, seldom can take any moderate course to correct them. With a cruel caprice, they took delight now in trampling under foot the object of their former blind idolatry. It was by availing itself of this revolution, that a clever, witty, licentious, ultra-tory journal, succeeded in founding an almost unprecedented popularity upon unmeasured abuse of this recent favourite.

While one side of the Royal House thus suddenly sunk, the other as rapidly ascended in the favour of the public. There seemed to arise in the people an anxiety to atone for the readiness with which they had received, and listened, to the lavish insults poured forth by the enemies of royalty. These sentiments, on occasion of his Majesty's appearance at the Theatres, and other scenes of public resort, were testified by the loudest and most enthusiastic plaudits. Nor did the popular feeling evaporate with the moment, or experience that ebbing to which it is so liable. On the contrary, it has ever since flowed on in an uninterrupt