THE French Legislative Assemblies opened this year amid a very general internal tranquillity. The public mind was fixed with intense interest on the transactions in Italy; but, though the government made no secret of its wishes, in favour of the allied powers, yet, as it did not take any active part in their favour, this inclination, however strongly reprobated by those attached to the principles of liberty, did not threaten to excite any violent agitation. In contemplation of the approaching meeting of the Chamber of Deputies, anxiety was chiefly felt as to the play of the new representative system, and the influence of those aristocratic elements, which had been so copiously introduced. Ministers, as formerly observed, had moved this change, in the hope of finding, among the more opulent classes, naturally impressed with the love of stability, a disposition to support them against the opposite parties, royalist and li

beral, which were labouring their downfal. The event of the elections had not answered this expectation, The new colleges had almost universally nominated individuals attached to high royalist principles, and who, in consequence, had sworn the downfal of the existing ministry, as devotedly as the most eager liberals. As ministers, at the same time, neither sought nor obtained support in the reduced liberal party, they found themselves placed, as before, between two contending factions, always ready to coalesce for their destruction; and the ministerial machine moved forward in the same obstructed and embarrassed course as before.

The King opened the Chambers on the 21st December, with a speech, in which he offered congratulations on the prosperous state of the kingdom, recalled the vicissitudes which had befallen the royal family during the late eventful year, and, finally,

announced a certain diminution proposed to be made in the amount of the land-tax. The address formed, as usual, an echo of the speech, though the left side were understood to have proposed amendments, lamenting the changes which had been produced in the electoral system; but these were rejected by large majorities. The candidates for the Presidency were named by a vast majority out of the right, or royalist side, the choice falling finally upon M. Ravez, the President of last session. In order to conciliate this all-powerful party, the King, on the 22d, named Messrs Laine, Vilelle, and Corbières, three of its most moderate members, secretaries, though without any depart ment assigned to them. But this boon was not afterwards found to satisfy entirely the party in whose favour it

was made.

Inexamining the validity of the elections, complaints, which have since greatly multiplied, were sent from several departments, that individuals, who, by the amount of their contributions, would have been entitled to vote, had been struck out by the prefects; while others had been introduced, who had no such claim. It was justly observed, that to intrust the decision upon the qualifications of electors to an officer appointed, and removable, by the crown, was contrary to every sound principle of representative government. This decision, indeed, was only provisional; but still it was in force, as to the actual election; the remedy was distant, and of little value.

The first measure proposed to the Chamber, was what was called the provisional six-twelfths. In consequence of the late meeting of the Chambers, and other circumstances, which had rendered it impossible to make out the rolls in due time, it was wished to levy six-twelfths of the con

tributions upon the lists of the former year. The same motion had been found necessary at the commencement of each former session, and no serious opposition was intended. The parties hostile to ministry, however, caught at this opportunity of making a full expression of their sentiments. The debate was opened by General Donnadieu, a high royalist, who testified his astonishment and indig nation at the junction which several of his party had formed with the present administration. He saw men, whose principles, sentiments, and opinions, he had made it his boast to share, suddenly take a course di rectly opposite to that, which, for four years, they had represented as alone tending to national prosperity. Little accustomed to these sudden transitions-these unforeseen alliances-this fusion of good with evil, all his ideas were bewildered. These men had declared, and repeated, that those called to the high functions of the state, had misunderstood and betrayed the interests of their country, and all the principles of justice and honour; yet, when the system, thus generously, energetically protested against, had produced its natural consequence, in real misfor tunes, irreparable catastrophes, felt by all France, was this the time to stretch out the hand to them, and to commit to them anew the destinies of this unfortunate country?" After bes ing led on," said he, "for six years, without plan, without any determinate principle, we are still led on in the same manner. All ideas of justice and injustice are confounded; all ideas of order, of reason, are subverted; the religion of the most Christian King is established as a law of the state, and derision is cast upon its ministers; legitimate succession in the family of our Kings, is esta blished as a fundamental law in our

code, and the most direct blows are aimed at this legitimacy, in doctrines created and supported under the auspices of our ministers; gratitude is now a vice, ingratitude a virtue." It was now time for the Chambers to fulfil the obligation imposed upon it, in the order of representative government, by refusing to put its treasures into such hands. The member then threw out against the ministers a charge of bribery, which was vehemently repelled by the keeper of the seals; and a keen altercation ensued.

M. Villèle complained, that the last speech had been a mere appeal to the passions, in opposition to reason; and that such a series of recriminations would produce endless war, and inevitable ruin to the nation. It was natural for a royalist opposition, who directed their attacks against measures, not against men, to rally round a government, which was ready to concur with them in measures tending to save the country. The attempt to remove ministers in the manner proposed, was contrary to the constitution, which allowed no mode, except that of formal accusation. "Attack them," said he, "then they will reply to you; then you will be obliged to produce proofs; and should it be under such a pretext, that you would oppose an indispensable vote, without which the march of administration would be stopped?"

M. Constant, however, urged, that the advancing a formal accusation against ministers, was a violent re source, repugnant to the inclination of friends to peace and to the monarchy. Ministers, besides, might follow a dan gerous and pernicious system, without rendering themselves guilty of faults, which could become the subject of a formal charge. In this case, the mildest and most constitutional mode of warning the administration, was by refusing or limiting the grant of supply. This was not placing the state in dan

ger; for it was always in the power of ministers to change their system.

The most vehement attack against ministers, was made by Etienne, who thus characterized the plan on which the country was governed. Contrary systems incessantly succeeding and thwarting each other; laws destroyed, when they are scarcely passed; ministers, who change their principles, that they may not change their office; doc. trines, constitutional to-day, seditious to-morrow; regiments converted into legions, and legions converted into regiments; organizations, of which the latest is always definitive, and never the last; functionaries changing so fast, that the people have scarcely time to learn their names, and who are for the most part only riders for the Treasury, and commissaries at elections; interests always threatened; hopes always disappointed; promises always violated;-is not this, gentlemen, a thousand times too much, to sink all our credit, to shake all our confidence?

The Minister for Foreign Affairs undertook the defence of the measure, the necessity of which arose, he said, from the failure of one which had been proposed by the ministry, but rejected by the Chambers. His speech, however, was mainly directed to the defence of the composition, and acts of the ministry in general. It consisted, he said, of men the most sincerely impressed by the same sentiment of love, of devotion, to their king, to their country, and by a sincere attachment to the constitution of that country. It was reproached, as containing members both of the majority and the minority of 1815. Yes, there had been a march of events, which had taught the faithful subjects of the King, the sincere friends of their country, who, animated by the same general sentiments, were divided by mere shades of opinion, that the time was come for

them to unite upon subjects of essential importance. The first speaker had said to the ministers of the King, "Retire." No, gentlemen, the minis ters of the King will not retire. They have the feeling of their duty. They have sworn to the King to support his authority, to maintain his govern ment, to defend the laws which he has given. So long as the King shall approve their services, so long as they think they can serve him usefully, they will not believe it their duty to retire. They would do so, if they thought they had lost the majority in this Chamber-if they could believe that they had lost it in the nation-if they thought themselves obstacles to the good of their country-if they be lieved that the royal authority would be endangered in their hands; but till then, invariably united in the love of their duty, they will remain firm and devoted to the post with which the confidence of the sovereign has deigned to honour them.

The debate continued for some time with great warmth; and both parties, while vehemently attacking each other, aimed blows at the ministry. M. Girardin, from the left, used the expression," heroic Spain," which gave rise to considerable agitation. The law was finally carried, by a majority of 268 to 65.

In the Chamber of Peers the opposition was inconsiderable, and the law was carried by 146 to 3.

A circumstance of an extraordinary nature now agitated the public mind. On the 27th January, a loud explosion was heard in the interior of the palace, near the apartments of the Queen, and of Madame. It was found to have been produced by a barrel of powder, lodged under a private stair, leading to those apartments. The shock was so violent, that several of the doors were torn from their hinges, and all the glass in the windows was broken.

The Prefect of Police and the Advocate-General hurried to the spot, but could discover nothing except the frag. ments of the exploded barrel. It was in vain that, by the most diligent investigation, any light was attempted to be thrown upon the authors of this alarming phenomenon.

A message, on the 29th, was brought down from the King, submitting to the Chamber the circumstances of this affair. It was stated to be happily impossible that the explosion could have reached the august persons either of the King or Madame. Such a crime, however, perpetrated in the heart of the palace, marked an excess of criminal audacity, continuing to attack all that was dear and sacred to France, and sought to perpetuate the alarms too well justified by the frightful catastrophe, since which a year had not yet elapsed.

The reading of this message was received with loud cries of "Vive le Roi! vive les Bourbons !" and a committee was appointed to draw up an address in reply. This address did not confine itself to mere congratulation, but deeply stigmatized the influence of revolutionary ideas, and the desperate efforts of a faction, which was descri bed to be in a state of permanent conspiracy against the government. The tenor of the address seemed not ob scurely to insinuate, that certain members of the House, by fomenting discontent, at least fed the flame, from which such terrible flashes broke forth. These insinuations excited the indignant opposition of the left side. Sebastiani, Foy, and Chauvelin insisted that they were equally unjust and impolitic,that they tended to spread division through France, and to set loose the most violent passions. The observa. tions of Camille Jourdan drew particular attention :-"Do you consider," said he, " that rash conjectures in one direction may provoke others equally

rash in another? May it not arise as a natural remark, that, if there be a revolutionary faction capable of such enormities, there are also intriguers, violent partizans, capable, in their turn, of exciting to, and even creating them, for the purpose of having them imputed to their adversaries? How many singular circumstances in the last affair seem to indicate the mysterious agency of such directors; the place chosen being the interior of a palace, strictly watched, where it must be so difficult for revolutionary agents to enter, while intriguers of another description could more easily introduce themselves; the very nature of the ex. plosion, calculated rather to terrify the imagination, than to produce any serious mischief. Beware, gentlemen! I am far from affirming that such con. jectures have any foundation; I am far from not seeing that they may lead to serious evils-that they may have the cruel effect of committing, in public opinion, faithful servants, venerable men, whom their rank and their virtue place above every suspicion; but I say, that you provoke them by your rash and hasty conjectures in another direction." M. Jourdan then alluded, with indignation, to the charges brought against ministers from the opposite side, as not having employed with sufficient vigour their means of repression, and not having called for more. He insisted that their measures against personal liberty, and the liber. ty of the press, their interference in elections, in the formation of juries, and the selection of witnesses, were such as to leave scarcely a shadow of public liberty. Nothing was now left but proscription and exile without trial; and it was to these, he had no doubt, that the opposite side pointed.

This speech made a strong impres sion, being the last that was pronounced by this venerable and distinguish.

ed orator, who died on the 19th of June following.

Notwithstanding all opposition, the address, in its original form, was carried by the votes of 244, out of 266 who were present.

Several other similar detonations followed in the vicinity of the Tuilleries, and one, even in open day, in the Royal Treasury, without its being possible to obtain any satisfactory information as to the author. One only person, of the name of Neveu, having been arrested on suspicion, cut his throat before his examination, and an indelible suspicion thus rested on his memory; yet there were still some who asserted that this fatal deed was merely prompted by the deranged state of his affairs.

The Chambers now occupied themselves for some time in considering individual petitions, which have no interest beyond the limits of France. In the course of them, however, some animated discussions arose on the subject of the critical events which were mark. ing the political state of the neighbouring countries. Chauvelin, com plaining of the encroachments on the freedom of speech in the Chamber, particularly alluded to the scandal excited by the epithet heroic applied to Spain. "When we speak," said he, " of the heroic efforts of the Spanish nation, and of those which the Neapolitans may soon be called upon to exert, it is impossible, without afflic tion, to see the French administration concurring in the measures taken by absolute governments, in calling to their bar a monarch who had the ge nerosity to unite himself to the nation in granting them a constitutional regime. It was reported that the French government had signed the act of the occupation of Naples, and were concurring in measures rejected by the English government. Were they, whe