Sfacchiotes, who occupied the mountains and high plains, and subsisted by pasturage and hunting. Brave, and constantly armed, they maintained a rude and simple independence, in which the Turks were obliged to acquiesce. Neither of these classes shewed at first any disposition to share the general movement of the nation. The Greeks of the cities were bent to the dust by the bondage under which they groaned; their spirits, broken by slavery, had not energy enough to make any attempt to effect their own deliverance. The Sfacchiotes again, so long as they were left unmolested in the possession of their native plains and hills, made little inquiry as to what was passing in other parts of the empire. The tyrannical rashness of the government broke this tranquillity. The general order, issued at the beginning of the revolution, to disarm all the Greeks in the empire, reached Crete only about the beginning of June; and it was put in execution without difficulty, in regard to those inhabiting the towns and sea-coast. The Turks, however, had the temerity to attempt its enforcement also against the Sfacchiotes. Notice was sent to the chiefs of their tribes, that all the arms in their possession should be brought to certain appointed places, under pain of the severest chastisement. The Sfacchiotes made at first a courteous excuse, representing, that the execution of this decree was impossible, or at least fatal to them; that, without arms, they could not defend themselves against the wild beasts with which all their quarters were infested. This reply was met by reiterated menaces, unless the mandate of the Porte was immediately complied with... Fire was now struck into the Sfacchiotes; they communicated with each other, and determined to vindicate by their arms themselves, the continued possession of them. The Mussulmen met them, but were defeated with great slaughter; and in a short time Canea, and all the towns in the island, were closely blockaded, and were kept in that state through the rest of the year, without either the Turks being able to relieve, or the Greeks to reduce, any one of them. Cyprus, the ancient seat of the pleasures and graces, was still distinguished by the indolent and voluptuous character of its inhabitants. The Turks and Greeks, who were here nearly in equal number, lived in a state of union unknown in any other part either of the islands or continent. There was every appearance, therefore, that the storm, which was desolating the rest of the empire, would pass over their heads. It came upon them, however, from an unexpected quarter. The Pachas of Syria, dreading a rebellion in Cyprus, similar to that of Samos and Candia, collected a force of 12,000 men, and threw it upon the island. These troops, either old soldiers of Dijezzar, or banditti from the bordering Arab deserts, arrived in full confidence of having an opportunity to satiate themselves with blood and plunder. They soon began to commit individual assassination, and acts of rapine; and, finding that the Aga had not firmness to punish these, gradually went into a system of indiscriminate pillage. The Greeks were not only robbed, but treated with every species of outrage, and murdered on the slightest provocation. Peculiar enmity was shewn towards their priests, the objects of their highest veneration. These excesses, which began at Larmica, were spread to Neiosia and Tamagusta, by detachments, which soon excited the original Mussulman garrisons to imitate their enormities. Thus Cyprus, merely in consequence of its passive and unoffending character, continued, during the whole year, a prey to the greatest calamities. Rhodes experien ced afate nearly similar; and the Turks, in general, seemed studious to show, that a still more dreadful fate awaited those who passively submitted, than others who opposed the most violent and determined resistance. While all the mountains, seas, and islands of Greece, were the theatre of fierce and terrible conflict, the Divan was agitated by negotiations involving the deepest interests of the empire. These were viewed with intense anxiety by Greece, and by all Europe. On them was suspended the question, whether Russia was to avail herself of a crisis so opportune to her ambition, when, by joining her arms to those of the Greeks, she might, it was supposed, march almost unresisted to the Ottoman capital. This decision seemed the more probable, as she manifested, in the first instance, the highest indignation at the outrages offered to the Greeks, and to that religion which she shared with them. The Baron Strogonoff, who seemed in these respects even to go beyond the views of his master, addressed remonstrance upon remonstrance, to which the Porte returned only haughty answers, justifying its own proceedings, and reproaching Russia with the protection which she granted to the fugitive revolters. The fulfilment of the treaties respecting the Greeks, and the reparation of the injuries which they had suffered, she referred to the period when the whole of that rebel nation should have laid down their arms. The Russians, on the other hand, announced, that, so long as the Porte persevered in her present career, Russia would not cease to afford shelter to the victims of her fury. The continued exchange of such notes worked up the two parties to a considerable pitch of irritation, which was heightened by several acts of violence towards individuals, whom Stro gonoff claimed as Russian subjects. The latter at length quitted the ordinary mansion of the Russian legation at Pera, and retired to his countryhouse, where, declining all communication with the government, he waited the arrival of further instructions. The accommodation seemed to become more distant than ever, when the rage of the people, inflamed by tidings of the disasters of the fleet, and the destruction of Aywali, gave rise to scenes of tumult and massacre, more outrageous than any that had yet occurred. At length Strogonoff sent a note, reiterating all his former demands, and announcing, that, unless a satisfactory answer was received in the course of eight days, he, with his whole legation, would immediately quit Constantinople. For the period specified, and for two days longer, the Ottoman government maintained a proud silence; but when, at the end of that time, the ambassador demanded his passports, an extraordinary fermentation was excited. It was strongly rumoured, and would have been highly approved by a great part of the population and troops, that Strogonoff should have been committed to the Seven Towers; and such an intention probably floated in the mind of the ministers. Serious reflection, however, and the urgent representation of the other European ambassadors, induced more moderate resolutions. The passports demanded were sent; and, before the vessel set sail, a reply was even transmitted, conceived in tolerably moderate terms. The measures taken against the Greeks, were represented as either necessary for the suppression and punishment of so criminal an insurrection, or as excesses committed by the lowest populace, which the government had not been able to prevent. At the same time, all the promises were reiterated, which had so often been made, eventual upon the final putting down of the insurrection, and the delivering up of Michael Luzzo and his adherents. The Russian ambassador, however, conceived, that this note, having been delayed beyond the time prescribed, could not now be received, or even afford a ground for delaying his departure. On the 31st July, he set sail for Odessa. Án extraordinary emotion was felt throughout Europe at this event, which seemed to prognosticate an immediate rupture, and the approach of the fatal era of Ottoman downfal. England and Austria, above all, the one in a maritime, the other in a territorial view, trembled at such a gigantic accession to the already colossal power of Russia. Their ambassadors at the Porte spared no pains to induce this haughty and barbarous potentate to adopta conciliatory course, more suited to his weakness and the perils by which he was surrounded. Lord Strangford, who, by his address, had succeeded in gaining an influence beyond that of any other diplomatist, obtained several important concessions. An embargo, which had been laid upon the Russian vessels at Constantinople, was taken off, and a general amnesty proclaimed for the Greeks who should submit. The Pacha of Ibrail, who had been guilty of the most horrible outrages in Wallachia,was changed. Lord Strangford then undertook to transmit to St Petersburgh the note intended for, but refused by, M. Strogonoff, with such observations from himself as might favour its acceptance. Whatever might be the skill and diligence employed to avert the dreaded rupture, they would probably have been unavailing, had not other circumstances produced an entire change in the views of the Russian cabinet. The ambition of conquest had yielded to the dread of losing actual power, in consequence of the popular spirit, now fermenting throughout Europe. Alexander, established as head of the monarchical alliance, placed now his glory in the fulfilment of the obligations imposed by this character. Instead, therefore, of catching at the tempting prospects offered by a Turkish war, he addressed a note to the cabinets, stating his readiness to abstain from hostilities, provided they could point out any other method, by which he could obtain those conditions which the honour of the crown, the maintenance of treaties, humanity, and the protection of the Christian religion, rendered it his duty to exact from the Porte. This note drew the anxious consideration of the European cabinets; and, in a meeting, which took place at Hanover, between Prince Metternich and the Marquis of Londonderry, measures were concerted for fulfilling its object. Instructions were sent to their ambassadors to use every means, at once of obtaining concessions from the Porte, and of persuading Russia to be satisfied with them. In the month of October, a note was transmitted from Russia, repeating the demands formerly made. More than a month, however, elapsed, before Lord Strangford could prevail on the Turkish cabinet to send an answer. He obtained, however, the dismissal of the Reiss Essendi, and the substitution of a more moderate character. At length, on the 10th December, the new Reiss Essendi delivered to Lord Strangford a note, couched in more moderate terms than any hitherto communicated. The Porte now agreed to waive, for the present, what it called its just pretensions, relative to the delivery of its rebellious subjects who had found refuge in Russia. Although it could not evacuate Moldavia and Wallachia, without delivering up those provinces to anarchy, it promised to maintain in them only such a number of troops as would be necessary for the preservation of order. It then renewed its promises of protection and restitution to the Greeks, as soon as they should have laid down their arms. This note was transmitted to the cabinet of St Petersburgh, accompanied by a representation, that, though it did not contain all that could be wished, yet the Turks were making concessions, and shewed no disposition to engage in war; and that, at all events, no serious evil could arise from delay. These various events brought the year to a close, without any decisive issue to these important negotiations. CHAPTER XII. AMERICA. State of Affairs in Mexico.-Defection of Iturbide.—Triumph of the Independents.-Cortes called.-Peru.-Defeat of the Viceroy's Troops.-San Martin enters Lima.-Constitution established by him.-Revolution completed in Columbia.-Affairs of Buenos Ayres.-Brazil.-Revolution at Bahia-At Rio Janeiro. King returns to Europe.-St Domingo.-United States. THIS year decided the destinies of the New World. The long and terrible contest which Spain had maintained, to preserve her dominion over her vast Transatlantic empire, was, at every point, brought to a close. No events could affect more deeply the interests of the European states, and the destinies of the species; yet, amid the crowding concerns and vicissitudes of the Old World, these great distant revolutions attracted comparatively little attention. The character of the actors, the particulars of the events, and all the hinges on which the political system moved, have been transmitted to us in so little detail, that we can do little more at present than state the general results. The Mexican insurgents had for some years disappeared from the scene; they no longer threatened the capital or the central seats of trade; they were supposed in Europe to be confined to a few guerilla bands, traversing the remoter districts. The fact, however, was, that civil war had been raging, without intermission, in all the provinces; that the independents, though they could not carry any of the capitals, had been in uninterrupted possession of extensive districts; while, by perpetual conflicts, maintained with various fortune against the royalists, they had been acquiring those qualities which would at length enable them to cope with regular troops. Their strength was now so far extended and matured, that it required only to be collected and regularly pointed, to be an overmatch for the reduced strength of the party in power. That strength, worn down by successive conflicts, was recruited by only a very small portion even of those slender reinforcements which Spain was still able to send, but which were directed towards quarters in which the resist ance wore a more active and alarming aspect. That rallying point, which the independent cause wanted, was supplied |
