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carry before it all the vows and feelings of the nation. The friends of government, and the aristocracy in general, who had looked on with disdainful indifference, or had consider ed it vain to attempt to stem so impetuous a tide, now took the alarm. The Queen's party, emboldened by the current of popular favour, had not merely given vent to indiscriminate abuse of all in power, without excepting those whom the constitution shielded most entirely from personal responsibility. They had more over taken the opportunity of introducing all the most violent and revolutionary topics, which derived new importance from the unqualified assent with which they were echoed by the misjudging object of this adulation. This class, therefore, now met in all quarters, for the purpose of preparing loyal addresses, and stamping with their reprobation, the doctrines of an opposite description, which had become so general. Every city, every town, and almost every village in the empire, was agitated by these eddying tides of political conflict. The movers of the loyal addresses endeavoured to disarm opposition, by avoid. ing all allusion to the Queen, and even all introduction of the names of the ministers. They proposed addresses, containing merely general expressions of loyalty, of attachment to our glorious constitution, and abhorrence of the attempts so industriously made to propagate the principles of sedition and irreligion. In proof of their assertions, they referred particularly to the licentiousness of the press-to the abuse heaped on the most respectable characters and to the blasphemous publications so zealously circulated among the lower orders. If any of the more zealous speakers could not be restrained from thrusting into their harangues an expression of their conviction of the Queen's guilt, this was

not at least allowed to find a place in the address or resolutions. On these occasions, the whigs declared, that they were in no degree conscious of yielding in loyalty to the movers of the resolutions; but they were wholly at a loss to conceive what reason there could be at the present moment for coming forth with so ostentatious a display of these sentiments. They were not aware of any general prevalence, either of disaffection or irreligion. They considered the allegation as a libel against the people of England. Considering all circumstances, they could no longer doubt, that however studiously the name of ministers was kept back, the real object was to attempt to shelter them from the public odium under which they laboured, and to defeat the universal cry of the nation for their removal. They must, therefore, object to the address or resolution, unless there were appended to it an expression of entire conviction of the Queen's innocence, a solicitation for her full restoration to rank and dignity, and, above all, a prayer for the immediate dismissal of those ministers, who, by their defiance of public opinion, had shewn themselves unworthy of their situations. The results continued to be such as were observed in the assemblies at the close of the former year. In all privileged and aristocratic corporations-in almost all the Scotch, and in many of the English counties, the motions, though vehemently opposed, were carried by large majorities. But wherever general meetings of inhabitants were called, the movers were dismayed by the entrance of an unbidden and unwished for crowd, against whom, if they attempted to make head, they were quickly outvoted. In general, therefore, a secession took place, and, in most places two several petitions lay for signature in the same town; in the issue

of which the loyalists boasted that their deficiency of number was compensated by superior respectability of character and property. In several of the English counties, the amendment was carried.

The most tumultuary proceeding took place in Ireland, at the meeting of the county of Dublin. The address being proposed, a member on the other side began to oppose it; when the Sheriff, insisting that indecorous language had been used, called to order, and closed the debate. Then, taking the vote, he, declared it, upon the mere show of hands, to be carried on the side of government. On which side the majority really lay, became a matter of vehement controversy, each party declaring that they were a hundred to one of the other. The Sheriff then abruptly dissolved the meeting; but the whigs, indignant at this certainly very irregular course, mustered, and calling Lord Cloncurry to the chair, began forthwith to frame a counter address. The Sheriff, however, conceiving that such conduct, after the dissolution of the meeting, was an illegal invasion of the court-room, and having in vain summoned the members to depart, introduced a body of troops, who effected a forcible clearance. The expelled body retired to a neighbouring inn, where they passed their counter address. Another meeting was afterwards held, in which Mr Hamilton Rowan being called to the chair, resolutions were entered into, expressive of the strongest indignation at the conduct of the Sheriff, and where deliberation was held as to the mode of appealing to the legislature for redress.

All this conflict of parties had one object in view, that of acting upon the meeting of Parliament, which was now approaching. The whigs were prepared for a most active campaign.

They had to propose a series of resolutions in favour of the Queen, which, notwithstanding the sensible abatement of enthusiasm in her favour, might still be considered as popular; and which, if carried, would soon be followed up by others, more directly tending to effect the grand objects of their policy. On the other hand, the friends of government predicted, that in this parliamentary warfare, the whigs would not only have to encounter the influence by which administration was usually supported; but that though the termination of the bill of Pains and Penalties had been accepted by the multitude as a full acquittal, different feelings had been cherished by the higher classes. These had been equally manifested by the adherents of both political creeds. Even the most zealous of whig mem bers continued to decline family introductions; and all the efforts of the Queen's partizans had been unable to collect a female court, which bore even the appearance of respectability. It was alleged, moreover, that by this new alliance, formed with a party that had proceeded to such extremes, the whigs would lose more on one side than they gained on the other; in consequence of the terror struck into all that numerous parliamentary body, which was attached to established order, and fearful of revolution.

Under these circumstances, Parlia ment were assembled on the 22d January. Ministers had prepared a speech, in which every thing that could irritate the present state of the public feeling, was carefully omitted. It was as follows:

"My Lords and Gentlemen, "I have the satisfaction of acquainting you, that I continue to receive from foreign powers the strongest assurances of their friendly dispo sition towards this country.

"It will be a matter of deep regret to me, if the occurrences which have lately taken place in Italy, should eventually lead to any interruption of tranquillity in that quarter; but it will, in such case, be my great object to secure to my people the continuance of peace.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons, "The measures by which, in the last Session of Parliament, you made provision for the expenses of my civil government, and for the honour and dignity of the crown, demand my warmest acknowledgments.

"I have directed that the estimates for the current year shall be laid before you; and it is a satisfaction to me to have been enabled to make some reduction in our military establishments.

"You will observe from the accounts of the public revenue, that notwithstanding the receipts in Ireland have proved materially deficient, in consequence of the unfortunate circumstances which have affected the commercial credit of that part of the united kingdom, and although our foreign trade, during the early part of this time, was in a state of depression, the total revenue has, nevertheless, exceeded that of the preceding year.

"A considerable part of this increase must be ascribed to the new taxes; but in some of those branches which are the surest indications of internal wealth, the augmentation has fully realized any expectation which could have been reasonably formed of it.

"The separate provision which was made for the Queen, as Princess of Wales, in the year 1814, terminated with the demise of his late Majesty.

"I have, in the mean time, directed advances, as authorized by law; and

it will, under present circumstances, be for you to consider what new arrangements should be made on this subject.

"My Lords and Gentlemen, "I have great pleasure in being able to acquaint you, that a considerable improvement has taken place within the last half year, in several of the most important branches of our commerce and manufactures; and that, in many of the manufacturing districts, the distresses which prevailed at the commencent of the last session of Parliament have greatly abated.

"It will be my most anxious desire to concur in every measure which may be considered as calculated to advance our internal prosperity.

"I well know, that, notwithstanding the agitation produced by temporary circumstances, and amidst the distress which still presses upon a large portion of my subjects, the firmest reliance may be placed on that affectionate and loyal attachment to my person and government, of which I have recently received so many testimonials from all parts of my kingdom; and which, whilst it is most grateful to the strongest feelings of my heart, I shall ever consider as the best and surest safeguard of my Throne.

"In the discharge of the important duties imposed upon you, you will, I am confident, be sensible of the indispensable necessity of promoting and maintaining, to the utmost of your power, a due obedience to the laws, and of instilling into all classes of my subjects, a respect for lawful authority, and for those established institutions under which the country has been enabled to overcome so many difficulties, and to which, under Providence, may be ascribed our happiness and renown, as a nation."

On the following day, the debate, as usual, took place on the address. It was moved in the Lords by the Earl of Belmore, and seconded by Lord Prudhoe; while, in the Commons, the mover was Mr G. Bankes, and the seconder Mr James Browne, (member for Mayo). These gentle men, as usual, went over the various topics referred to in the speech. They congratulated the House on the testimonies of loyalty, and of regard for religion and the laws, which had flowed in from every part of the kingdom-upon the assurances of amity received from foreign powers, on whose proceedings it might at the same time be necessary to look with a watchful eye-upon the degree of improvement which had taken place in the commerce and manufactures of the country-and upon the reduction proposed by his Majesty, in the military establishment. Ireland was mentioned as the only part of the empire still labouring under distress, which, however, its inhabitants had borne in the most heroic manner, and which, it was hoped, would soon be relieved.

Mr G. Bankes, in his animated speech, made pretty close application to events which had caused so much recent agitation. In a nation, in which all are free, folly must have her freedom, and mischief will mark her for its tool: folly will discharge her debts of gratitude by denying their amount, by forgetting the danger from which she has been deliver ed, though ever when in peril herself the loudest to complain, and the foremost to despair. He afterwards added, "it is no new thing for slander to arraign all that is high and holy; but the tongue of slander, however venomous, can inflict no wound-can effect no puncture in the character that is sound and whole-it is the pen of the libeller, against which inno

cence is no shield; and at a time
when the evil eye of discontent not
only envies its neighbour's goods, but
covets its neighbour's character, we
have, sir, to dread and to repel one
general levelling system, both of pro-
perty and of good name. The barrier
of the Constitution will not fall down
at the first giddy shout of the multi-
tude; the high tribunals, which are
its bulwarks, will yet stand, though
treason deny their authority, and con-
scious guilt their justice; blasphemy
may rail at the holy place, and hypo-
erisy defile it with her pageants, long,
long before the dome will totter; but
the ruin must come at last, if the re-
medy be not fitly interposed. When
the league of what is base and false,
profligate and malicious, shall unite
honour and integrity to oppose it,
the evil then works its own cure, and
the remedy is near at hand; we know
its efficacy, we have proved it scarce
a twelvemonth since. In the shows
and processions of the year which has
just expired, who but must have call-
ed to mind the like exhibitions of the
twelvemonth which preceded it? The
music, the march, and the banner,
the meeting, the resolution, and ad-
dress; those first were the very proto-
types of these last arrays: the same
in their real origin, and in their real
object, differing only in their method
of pursuing it; the first pursued its
object by denouncing the aristocracy;
the second by denouncing the crown:
the aristocracy was then true to itself;
the representatives of the people were
then faithful, and if the highest duties
of fidelity be now as well fulfilled, the
country is yet safe. If we turn our
eyes from the cares of domestic soli-
citude and look abroad, the whole
world is to us a scene of calm, of
tranquillity; our flag flies on every
sea-our busy industry plies in every
port-our merchants are the rulers
of kingdoms-our character every

where high, and our credit everywhere firm."

Mr Browne, as an Irish member, dwelt particularly on the state of that kingdom. This was a subject in which he felt so deep an interest, that even if he should be supposed to have departed a little from the course usual upon such occasions, he hoped he should be forgiven. For his part, he could not consider it irrelevant, until he should believe that there existed a

separate interest between the two countries composing this empireuntil he should believe that their destinies were not interwoven, and that they must not stand and fall together. By some of those infatuations which sometimes afflicted wisdom itself, Ireland, hitherto, unfortunately, the subject of cold debates and short consultations-what had been her deportment during those agitations? Not the meanest of her populace not the most furious demagogue, had strained his voice to applaud depravity-none had attempted to exalt affronted debauchery into suffering, dignified virtue; and, above all, none had presumed to outrage society by the introduction of a new doctrine new even to the professors of profligacy in this country-that which granted to female manners the same licence which society endures in men, the very distinction between which it was that stood between society and national prostration.

In reply to these speakers, it was observed by the Opposition members, that the royal speech was of so cautious and negative a character, that they found little room to object to what it actually said, or to propose any counter address. Its sins were those of omission. They found in it none of those topics on which a British ministry, at such a crisis, might have been expected to dilate. While

admiring and sharing those sentiments of loyalty which the country in general had so strongly expressed, it was impossible not to remark, that these had in no degree been coupled with any approbation of the conduct of ministers. Lord Grey, on the contrary, would venture to assert, that public opinion was most unfavourable to them; and he might have thence expected that some intention would be expressed of changing that fatal policy so long pursued. Mr Tierney saw indeed, in the speech, that loyal addresses were declared by the King to be most grateful to the strongest feelings of his heart. If heartfelt satisfaction had resulted from them, he firmly believed it belonged altogether to the King; for the addressers had taken especial care that no attempt should in any manner be made through these addresses to give satisfaction to any other person but the King himself; there was not a word of satisfaction for his ministers, (a laugh)— quite the reverse; for the only chance of carrying them was to say nothing of the acts of ministers; there was only one man in the kingdom for whom the heartfelt satisfaction was intended, and he was glad that that man was his Majesty. He should be glad if any of the gentlemen opposite could point out to him one word in any of the addresses which could be construed into an approval of any of the measures of administration; no, not one word; and he made the appeal to the present set of gentlemen, who were so good as to take upon themselves the care of the affairs of the country. There was candour at least in ministers not asking any of their friends to put in a single word of approbation of their measures.

Next, as to the improvement in national industry, it had taken place only in a few departments, even of

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