their numerous branches, may blend into a union of harmony and strength is a question than which none is of more vital importance in perpetuating our free republican institutions. The consociation of people implies to some extent their co-education. In a somewhat latitudinarian sense it is the consociation of races on the Pacific Coast and their education of which we would speak.

Whom the ancient Greeks and Romans captured in war they made their subjects, the captors treating their captives not as citizens, not even as men, but as beasts of burden. The conquests of Mohammed were over peoples not dissimilar in climatic and social circumstances. The Latin races, so called, have ever had in common customs peculiarly characteristic. Out of the Angles, Saxons, Jutes, and Teutons developed the civilization of Great Britain. The southern States in this Union have had two distinct races, and only two; but west of the Rocky Mountains are found representatives of every race the sun shines on. There exists cosmopolitanism of which history makes no mention. There are the Caucasian, Mongolian, Ethiopian, Polynesian, and American Indian. These races, whose ideals of government, religion, occupation, family, and conduct are as unlike as their features, all seek under one flag shelter, wealth, education, and citizenship. The genius of our free institutions seems to be that there shall be no abridgment of the rights of our people by reason of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. However, in the Fifteenth Amendment is found a principle of political ethics that would not have received the approval of our Revolutionary Fathers. In the Chinese Restriction Act the nation gives expression to a sentiment that did not exist even twenty-five years ago. Year after year are evolved from the people new enactments of law affecting the races. If the political liberties of the races, as races, are of sufficient moment for recognition in the National Congress of lawmakers, surely the education of the races, as races, is of sufficient moment for consideration in this national congress of educators.

There are within the United States but few of the Polynesian race, yet fully 33 per cent. of these are in the Pacific States. These are natives chiefly of the Hawaiian and other Pacific Islands. While the negroes are not a considerable element in that western population, of the 7,000,000 of these people in the United States there are on that coast thousands of representatives, some of whom are found in every city, town, and village.

Of the 264,369 Indians reported in 1885 in the United States, 55,000 are of school age, 43,000 of whom are in tribal relations, and 12,000 in the Five Nations of the Indian Territory. Driven from one huntingground to another, most of this quarter million of Indians are west of the Mississippi River. These live chiefly on government reservations, or in hovels and tents around the towns and villages. Simple in habits, savage in propensities, their transformation from their ruder to our more polite living is slow indeed. Exclusive of the few children in

school, their education is incidental, not special. From more or less constant association with them, from a personal inspection of the reservation school at Pyramid Lake, from many evidences of their handiwork seen at various times, I am convinced that the desire and capacity of the Indian youth to learn the rudiments of education are something amazing. Further than the rudiments they seem limited in capacity. The Department of Indian Affairs, in a letter addressed to me a few weeks ago, asked why these Indian youth might not be educated in the public school. The answer is, While the law does not exclude them, nor yet any general sentiment of prejudice, still they are not found in the public school; the whites do not exclude them; they are excluded by their own mental peculiarities. Of the 13,000 Indians in California, only 192 attend the public school; of the 5,000 Indians in Oregon, 50 are in the public school; of the 9,000 Indians in Nevada, I know of but one now attending the public school. It is officially stated that about thirty-three per cent. of the Indian youth of the United States are enrolled in schools of some kind. This may be true as to other sections, but in Nevada there is an enrollment of less than ten per cent. of the Indian youth. It is now generally admitted that the children of the aborigines require special schools-industrial schools, such as are at Carlisle, Hampton, Forest Grove, and Albuquerque, yet not one child of the many thousands in that part of the United States where I live has ever enjoyed the privileges of one of these schools. Congressman Woodburn, however, has just introduced into the House a bill which provides for the erection, at Carson City, of a building for one of these national industrial schools. In justice to the thousands of domesticated Indians of that section, this bill should certainly become a law. Of the Mongolian race there are but few Japanese. This element as yet is so small a factor in our educating influences that I shall pass it over without special comment. There are at least 150,000 Chinese on the Pacific Coast. Few of these are children. This is explained by the fact that the Chinese influx is chiefly males, the number of males to females being as is twenty-five to one. The domestic relation, the home, is an institution wholly unknown to the Chinese serf of this country. In an American home the virtue and devotion of women grace the domestic circle; in our Chinese hovels the lewdness and simulation of women make the society of these people a public debauch. This being their social condition, if children there be they are of profligate mothers. The only Chinese girl that ever attended school under my supervision is one who at the age of eleven years was taken from school and sold by an immoral mother for $500, to be kept by the purchaser, it is believed, for immoral purposes. Without good and true mothers there are no homes; a foreign people that does not bring with it the institution of home is really unworthy of admission into this, of all lands, the land of homes.

Through the day the Chinese are found in the placer mine, the garden, the factory, the laundry, the kitchen; at night-fall they all return to their opium dens, gambling cellars, and brothels of corruption. These quarters are all alike-alike in their filthiness,' alike in their characteristic stench, alike in their unlikeness to anything American; they have simply been transferred intact from China to America. As yet, there has been found no human influence powerful enough to penetrate and dispel these heathenish customs, which have proved to be so antagonistic to our Christian civilization. The best that can be said of the Chinese is that they are industrious; but so is the weevil that destroys our wheat, and the army worm that cuts down our oat fields. All Chinese have a primary education, yet it is narrow in its tendencies; it is but an imprint originating with Confucius 2,500 years ago, and ever since, with but little change, transferred from parent to child. The minds formed in such a narrow mold as are those of the Chinese serfs can never take the place of our statesmen, literati, inventors, or artisans. In common with you and me they have no social sympathy, no local or national pride. Theirs is a crusade solely to glean golden shekels; yet the soil on which they glean, although made sacred by the tears and blood of our fathers, is pollution even to the bones of their dead. Still the Chinese have their sympathizers and admirers, chiefly, however, among those who know them least. The would-be philanthropist says, Make them in our homes the associates of our wives and children, and they will soon become Americanized. The statesman of would-be lofty ideas says, Give them the ballot, and their now temporary abode for gain will be a permanent home in which they will take pride. The religionist says, Give them the Bible, and all else shall be added to make them worthy of companionship and citizenship. The practical educator says, Do not teach the parents at all, for they are wedded to their idols, but teach the Chinese children; teach them not alone how to get a living, for there is not a created thing which cannot do that; teach them rather what are their civil rights and civil duties; teach them to become valuable members of society; teach them how to love this country of ours. I can conceive that some day, in the centuries to come, the other races may become homogeneous, assimilated, not necessarily through inter-marrying, but they may grow to have like tastes, like interests, a common aim, and a common political destiny; but with the opportunities now afforded, I can conceive of no such future for the Chinese in America. Even the Indians on the plains of New Mexico and on the reservations throughout the West are tilling the soil, building homes, honoring the country of their birth, and at the feet of our civilization are learning lessons of political science and personal liberty. Not so do the Chinese honor this Nation. To this land

1 From the personal investigations of a competent friend who is familiar with the Chinese quarter of San Francisco, the editor is persuaded that the filth and the opiumsmoking mentioned in the text are much exaggerated in popular belief.-C. W.

of the free they come as serfs; in serfdom they remain. Into this Christian civilization they make entrance; with all the heathenish rites they make exit, returning to their idols in the land of their birth.

It is patent to all that the Chinese have not received an American education. Mentally, morally, socially, in no respect do the Chinese bear the slightest resemblance to those who hold within their grasp the destinies of this Nation. But whatever may be said of their unfitness to become citizens, the Chinese youth who are natives of the soil will grow into citizenship. The Chinese youth, then, should be educated. If there be no better reason than a national pride, this alone would demand that at least this much be done for the youth of this race. cation is the foundation, as well as the superstructure, of this Republic. "Educate, educate, we must educate," applies with like force to the Hawaiian, the Indian, the negro, the Chinese, to every possible element that may become a factor in our Nation's career.

Edu

In nearly all, if not in all, of the western States, it is conceded that all Chinese youth born in the United States, and of school age, have the same rights as are guaranteed to the youth of the most privileged classes. Recently the courts of California so decided. In conformity with this decision the school directors of San Francisco have rented a building where by themselves the Chinese youth may attend school. Of the 1,000 of these youth in that city a few weeks since, I found in my visit to this school but twenty-one pupils. The latest official returns from the office of the superintendent of public instruction give but twenty-five as the number of Chinese youth in the public schools of the whole State. Although Oregon has a Chinese population of 10,000, Superintendent McElroy says he has never seen a Chinese child in school, nor has he ever heard of one being in a school under his supervision. At present there is not one Chinese child either in the public schools of Arizona or Nevada. Including those in the schools of the various missionary societies, I think there is not an enrollment of five per cent. of the whole number of Chinese youth of school age.

In explanation of why the Chinese and Americans do not intermingle socially and educationally, it is sometimes asserted that it is cultivated prejudice, that it is the work of the demagogue. Not so; it is human nature, pure and simple. The demagogue who from the pulpit or the platform tells his hearers but half the truth, or deludes them into be. lieving what are not facts, remains usually two thousand miles distant from where the facts are exposed to the view of every observer. The theorist may theorize, the moralist may moralize, but the matter-of-fact American will not become the associate of the Chinese serf. If the latter be a stench in the nostrils of our civilization, much more fatal is his companionship with the Caucasian child, whose character should be permitted to develop in none other than an atmosphere of high moral* influences.

It may be that all race lines ultimately will disappear under the molding influences of our progressive education. It may be that, some time, ours will be purely an American civilization. It may be that, centuries hence, the Caucasian, the negro, the Chinese, the Malay, and the Indian of this country will be one people, whose origin with respect to race is forgotten. Then in the same class-room the children of the various races will study the same text-book, before the same altar the races will worship the same God; before the altar of a common country the united millions will present a common offering. But the eyes of the practical present see in America no such millenium for the brotherhood of man. Could I take you as often as I have taken eastern friends through the cellars, cesspools, and opium dens of Chinatown in our metropolis, the scenes there presented would be to you argument conclusive that under the same roof and within the same walls a forced co-education of these worshipers of heathen gods and the descendants of our Pilgrim Fathers would be a national disgrace.

The cosmopolitan character of the western communities is not well understood. Frequently I have seen within a radius of three miles the representatives of every flag and the exclusive settlements of three distinct races, the Caucasian, the Chinese, and the American Indian. While in the realm of matter these races are close together, in the realm of thought they are centuries apart. The difference in the habits and inherited proclivities of these races is evidence that they require a special education. An education practical for one race might be of no practical value to another race. A knowledge of the science of agriculture, grazing, and the various kinds of handiwork, would be useful to the Indian, but a knowledge of the classics, civil engineering, and the fine arts could be of no possible use to him. A knowledge of English literature, architecture, or jurisprudence could serve a Chinaman little purpose, while by his knowledge of garden making, laundry work, or cooking he derives his subsistence. An intelligent father, in selecting the kind of education required for his sons, consults the various tastes displayed. He sends one to a school of agriculture, another to a school of theology, another to a school of technology, and another to a school of the classics. The nation has no right to be less discriminating, or not to discriminate at all, as it now does, when providing educational facilities for its different races. If Wendell Phillips, Gail Hamilton, Charles Francis Adams, jr., and others can with reason offer adverse criticism on the practical results obtained from our American school system arranged for children of like heritage and like tastes, still more emphatic becomes the criticism when applied to a school system for children whose tastes are as dissimilar as is an Indian village from an American city, or as is the Empire of China from the Republic of America. As in a factory of matter-development each person learns a trade to which he is especially adapted, so in this great national factory of mind-development each race, as much as practicable, should