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bestowed on them. From the rising to the setting sun, may his kingdom come!

Were the talents and virtues which heaven has bestowed on men given merely to make them more obedient drudges, to be sacrificed to the follies and ambition of a few ? Or, were not the noble gifts so equally dispensed with a divine purpose and law, that they should as nearly as possible be equally exerted, and the blessings of Providence be equally enjoyed by all ? Away, then, with those absurd systems which, to gratify the pride of a few, debase the greater part of our species below the order of

What an affront to the King of the universe, to maintain that the happiness of a monster, sunk in debauchery and spreading desolation and murder among men, of a Caligula, a Nero, or a Charles, is more precious in his sight than that of millions of his suppliant creatures, who do justice, love mercy, and walk humbly with their God! No; in the judgment of heaven there is no other superiority among men than a superiority in wisdom and virtue. And can we have a safer model in forming ours?-(From the exordium of his address on the Declaration of Independence delivered at Philadelphia, August, 1776.)

"A Nation of shopkeepers » – Men who content themselves with the semblance of truth, and a display of words, talk much of our obligations to Great Britain for protection. Had she a single eye to our advantage? A nation of shopkeepers are very seldom so disinterested. Let us not be so amused with words; the extension of her commerce was her object. When she defended our coasts, she fought for her customers, and convoyed our ships loaded with wealth, which we had acquired for her by our industry. She has treated us as beasts of burthen, whom the rdly masters cherish that they may carry a greater load. — (From the address of August, 1776.) * Elred (England, 1109-1166.)

Labor in Vice, Rest in Virtue- There is labor in vice, there is rest in virtue; there is confusion in lust, there is security in chastity; there is servitude in covetousness, there is liberty in charity.—(From a sermon preached after a pilgrimage to the Holy Land.) Æschines (Greece, 389–314 B. C.)

Peroration Against Demosthenes — Remember, then, Athenians, that the city whose fate rests with you is no alien city, but your own. Give the prizes of ambition by merit, not by chance.

Reserve your rewards for those whose manhood is truer, whose characters are worthier. Look at each other and judge not only with your ears, but with your eyes, who of your number are likely to support Demosthenes. His young companions in the chase or the gymna

sium? No, by the Olympian Zeus! He has not spent his life in hunting or in any healthful exercise, but in cultivating rhetoric to be used against men of property. Think of his boastfulness when he claims by his embassy to have snatched Byzantium out of the hands of Philip; to have thrown the Acharnians into revolt; to have astonished the Thebans with his harangue! He thinks that you have reached the point of fatuity at which you can be made to believe even this,- as if your citizen were the deity of persuasion instead of a pettifogging mortal! And when, at the end of his speech, he calls as his advocates those who shared his bribes, imagine that you see upon this platform, where I now speak before you, an array drawn up to confront their profligacy,- the benefactors of Athens : Solon, who set in order the Democracy by his glorious laws; the philosopher, the good legislator, entreating you with the gravity which so well became him never to set the rhetoric of Demosthenes above your oaths and above the laws; Aristides, who assessed the tribute of the Confederacy, and whose daughters after his death were dowered by the State, -- indignant at the contumely threatened to justice, and asking: Are you not ashamed ? When Arthmios of Zeleia brought Persian gold to Greece and visited Athens, our fathers well-nigh put him to death, though he was our public guest, and proclaimed him expelled from Athens, and from all territory that the Athenians rule ; while Demosthenes, who has not brought us Persian gold but has taken bribes for himself and has kept them to this day, is about to receive a golden wreath from you! And Themistokles, and they who died at Marathon and Platæa, aye, and the very graves of our forefathers,- do you not think they will utter a voice of lamentation, if he who covenants with barbarians to work against Greece shall be - crowned !-(From Professor Jebb's translation of the speech_prosecuting Ctesiphon for moving to present Demosthenes with a civic crown.)

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Aiken, Frederick A. (American, 1810–1878.)

The Lawyer's Duty to the Weak - For the lawyer, as well as the soldier, there is an equally pleasant duty - an equally imperative command. That duty is to shelter the innocent from injustice and wrong, to protect the weak from oppression, and to rally at all times and all occasions, when necessity demands it, to the special defense of those whom nature, custom, or circumstance may have placed in dependence upon our strength, honor, and cherishing regard. That command emanates and reaches each class from the same authoritative and omnipotent source. It comes from a superior, whose right to command none dare question, and none dare disobey. In this command there is nothing of that lex talionis which nearly two thousand years ago nailed to the cross its Divine Author.

* This address was translated into French and published in Paris. In it occurs for the first time, as far as known, the celebrated phrase afterwards used by Napoleon in characterizing England.

« Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so unto them; for this is the law and the prophets."


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God has not only given us life, but he has filled the world with everything to make lise desirable; and when we sit down to determine the taking away of that which we did not give, and which, when taken away, we cannot restore, we consider a subject the most solemn and momentous within the range of human thought and human action.

Profoundly impressed with the innocence of our client, we enter upon the last duty in her case with the heartfelt prayer that her honorable judges may enjoy the satisfaction of not having a single doubt left on their minds in granting her an acquittal, either as to the testi. mony affecting her, or by the surrounding circumstances of the case. –(Exordium of the speech for the defense at the trial of Mrs. Sur. ratt, 1865. )

enlarge and extend the freedom we have inherited from our Anglo-Saxon forefathers, and to defend the hope of the world ?-(From the Introduction to the World's Best Orations. By permission. Copyright by F. P. Kaiser, St. Louis, 1899.) Allon, Ethan (American, nineteenth century.)

The Passion of Civil War Illustrated - Go call the roll on Saratoga, Bunker Hill, and Yorktown, that the sheeted dead may rise as witnesses, and tell your legions of the effort to dissolve their Union, and there receive their answer. Mad with frenzy, burning with indig. nation at the thought, all ablaze for vengeance upon the traitors, such shall be the fury and impetuosity of the onset that all opposition shall be swept away before them, as the pigmy yields to the avalanche that comes tumbling, rumbling, thundering from its Alpine home! Let us gather at the tomb of Washington and invoke his immortal spirit to direct us in the combat. Rising again incarnate from the tomb, in one hand he holds that same old flag, blackened and begrimed with the smoke of a sevenyears' war, and with the other hand he points us to the foe. Up and at them! Let immortal energy strengthen our arms, and infernal fury thrill us to the soul. One blow,- deep, effectual, and forever,-one crushing blow upon the rebellion, in the name of God, Washington, and the Republic !-(Peroration of a speech delivered in New York City in 1861.)

Allen, William (American, nineteenth century.)

Fifty-Four Forty or Fight-Fifty-four forty or fight! (54° 40' N.).—(From a speech on the Oregon Boundary Question, U. S. Senate, 1844.)

Allen, Edward A. (American, contemporane

ous.) The Oratory of Anglo-Saxon Countries – English-speaking people have always been the freest people, the greatest lovers of liberty, the world has ever seen. Long before English history properly begins, the pen of Tacitus reveals to us our forefathers in their old home-land in North Germany beating back the Roman legions under Varus, and staying the progress of Rome's triumphant car whose mighty wheels had crushed Hannibal, Jugurtha, Vercingetorix, and countless thousands in every land. The Germanic ancestors of the English nation were the only people who did not bend the neck to these lords of all the world besides. In the year 9, when the founder of Christianity was playing about his humble home at Nazareth, or watching his father at work in his shop, our forefathers dealt Rome a blow from which she never recovered. As Freeman, late professor of history at Oxford, said in one of his lectures: "In the blow by the Teutoburg wood was the germ of the Declaration of Independence, the germ of the surrender of Yorktown. Arminius was our first Washington, «haud dubie liberator," as Tacitus calls him,- the savior of his country.

So long as there are wrongs to be redressed, so long as the strong oppress the weak, so long as injustice sits in high places, the voice of the orator will be needed to plead for the rights of man. He may not, at this stage of the republic, be called upon to sound a battle cry to arms, but there are bloodless victories to be won as essential to the stability of a great nation and the uplifting of its millions of people as the victories of the battlefield.

When the greatest of modern political philosophers, the author of the Declaration of Independence, urged that, if men were left free to declare the truth the effect of its great positive forces would overcome the negative forces of error, he seems to have hit the central fact of civilization. Without freedom of thought and absolute freedom to speak out the truth as one sees it, there can be no advancement, no high civilization. To the orator who has heard the call of humanity, what nobler aspiration than to

Ames, Fisher (American, 1758–1808.)

What Is Patriotism ? - What is patriotism? Is it a narrow affection for the spot where a man was born ? Are the very clods where we tread entitled to this ardent preference because they are greener? No, sir; this is not the character of the virtue, and it soars higher for its object. It is an extended self-love, mingling with all the enjoyments of life, and twisting itself with the minutest filaments of the heart, It is thus we obey the laws of society, because they are the laws of virtue. In their authority we see, not the array of force and terror, but the venerable image of our country's honor. Every good citizen makes that honor his own, and cherishes it not only as precious, but as sacred. He is willing to risk his life in its defense, and is conscious that he gains protection while he gives it. For what rights of a citizen will be deemed inviolable when a State renounces the principles that constitute their security ? Or, if his life should not be invaded, what would its enjoyments be in a country odious in the eyes of strangers and dishonored in his own ? Could he look with affection and veneration to such a country as his parent? The sense of having one would die within him; he would blush for his patriotism, if he retained any, and justly, for it would be a vice. He would be a banished man

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in his native land.-(From the speech of April 28th, 1796, on the British Treaty.)

Sober Second Thought-I consider biennial elections as a security that the «sober, second thought of the people shall be law.(Quoting Matthew Hale.) Andocides (Greece, c.467 ?-391 B. C.)

Against Epichares, One of the Thirty Tyrants --Speak, slanderer, accursed knave, is this law valid or not valid ? Invalid, I imagine, only for this reason, that the operation of the laws must be dated from the archonship of Eucleides. So you live, and walk about this city, as you little deserve to do; you who, under the Democracy, lived by pettifogging, and under the Oligarchy-lest you should be forced to give back all the profits of that trade — became the instrument of the Thirty.

The truth is, judges, that as I sat here, while he accused me, and as I looked at him, I fancied myself nothing else than a prisoner at the bar of the Thirty. Had this trial been in their time, who would have been accusing me? Was not this man ready to accuse, if I had not given him money? He has done it now.

Can you suppose, judges, that my fate, as your champion would have been other than this, if I had been caught by the Tyrants ? I should have been destroyed by them, as they destroyed many others, for having done no wrong to Athens.- (From the speech on the Mysteries, delivered at Athens, c.417 B. C.) Angelm, st. (Italy, 1033-1109.)

“When Tempests Rage )) -- You think that the wind is then contrary when the adversity of this world rises against you, and not also when its prosperity fawns upon you. For when wars, when tumults, when famine, when pestilence comes, when any private calamity happens, even to individual men, then the wind is thought adverse, and then it is held right to call upon God; but when the world smiles with temporal felicity, then, forsooth, the wind is not contrary. Do not, by such tokens as these, judge of the tranquillity of the time; but judge of it by your own temptations. See if you are tranquil within yourself; see if no internal tempest is overwhelming you. It is a proof of great virtue to struggle with happiness, so that it shall not seduce, corrupt, subvert.-(From Neal's translation of a sermon on Matthew, xiv. 22.) Antiphon (Greece, 480-411 B. C.)

Unjust Prosecutions—The God, when it was his will to create mankind, begat the earliest of our race and gave us for nourishers the earth and sea, that we might not die, for want of needful sustenance, before the term of old age. Whoever, then, having been deemed worthy of these things by the God, lawlessly robs anyone among us of life, is impious towards heaven and confounds the ordinances of men. The dead man, robbed of the God's gift, necessarily bequeaths, as that God's punishment, the anger of avenging spirits,- anger which unjust judges or false witnesses, becoming partners in the im

piety of the murderer, bring, as a self-sought defilement, into their own houses. We, the champions of the murdered, if for any collateral enmity we prosecute innocent persons, shall find, by our failure to vindicate the dead, dread avengers in the spirits which hear his curse; while, by putting the pure to a wrongful death, we become liable to the penalties of murder, and, in persuading you to violate the law, responsible for your sin also.— (From the Third Tetralogy of Antiphon.) Arnold, Thomas (England, 1795-1842.)

(The Little Words, Life and Death))-Behold, then, life and death set before us; not remote (if a few years be, indeed, to be called remote), but even now present before us; even now suffered or enjoyed. Even now we are alive unto God or dead unto God; and, as we are either the one or the other, so we are, in the highest possible sense of the terms, alive or dead. In the highest possible sense of the terms; but who can tell what that highest possible sense of the terms is ? So much has, indeed, been revealed to us that we know now that death means a conscious and perpetual death, as life means a conscious and perpetual life.- (From a sermon in Matthew, xxii. 32.) Arthur, Chester Alan (American, 1830-1886.)

On the Assassination of Garfield - For the fourth time the officer elected by the people and ordained by the Constitution to fill a vacancy so created is called to assume the executive chair. The wisdom of our fathers, foreseeing even the most dire possibilities, made sure that the gov. ernment should never be imperiled because of the uncertainty of human life. Men may die, but the fabric of our free institutions remains unshaken. No higher or more assuring proof could exist of the strength and permanence of popular government than the fact that though the chosen of the people be struck down, his constitutional successor is peacefully installed without shock or strain except that of the sorrow which mourns the bereavement. All the noble aspirations of my lamented predecessor, which found expression during his life, the measures devised and suggested during his brief administration to correct abuses, to enforce economy, to advance prosperity, to promote the general welfare, to insure domestic security and maintain friendly and honorable relations with the nations of the earth, will be garnered in the hearts of the people, and it will be my earnest endeavor to profit and to see that the nation shall profit by his example and experience.(From his inaugural address of September 22d, 1881.) Augustine, Saint (Numidia, 354-430. )

Heaven and Earth - Our spirit is heaven, and the flesh earth. As our spirit is renewed by believing, so may our flesh be renewed by rising again; and “the will of God be done as in heaven, so in earth.) Again, our mind whereby we see truth, and delight in this truth, is heaven; as, “I delight in the law of God, after the inward man.) What is the earth ?

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"I see another law in my members, warring tinue his obedience; the treason of a State set against the law of my mind ?» When this free the collective bondmen of that State. strife shall have passed away, and a full con- This doctrine is supported by the analogy of cord be brought about of the flesh and spirit, precedents. In the times of feudalism the treathe will of God will be done as in heaven, so son of the lord of the manor deprived him of his also in earth.-(From a sermon on the Lord's serts; the spurious feudalism that existed among Prayer.)

us differs in many respects from the feudalism

of the Middle Ages, but so far the precedent The World – Trust not the world, for it

runs parallel with the present case; for treason never payeth that it promiseth.

the master then, for treason the master now, Drunkennes8 - Drunkenness is a flattering

loses his slaves. devil, a sweet poison, a pleasant sin, which

In the Middle Ages the sovereign appointed whosoever hath, hath not himself, which who

another lord over the serfs and the lands which soever doth commit, doth not commit sin, but

they cultivated; in our day the sovereign makes he himself is wholly sin,

them masters of their own persons, lords over

themselves.-(From a speech on the death of Bacon, Lord (Francis Bacon, Baron Verulam President Lincoln in 1865.)

and Viscount St. Albane. England, 15611626.)

Barnave, Antoine Pierre Joseph Marlo « The Privilege of Passion” in Murder

(France, 1761-1793.) For first, for the law of God, there is never to The Dangers of Commercial Politics — The be found any difference made in homicide, but manners and morals of a commercial people between homicide voluntary and involuntary, are not the manners of the merchant. He indi. which we term misadventure. And for the case vidually is economical, while the general mass of misadventure itself, there were cities of are prodigal. The individual merchant is conrefuge; so that the offender was put to his flight, servative and moral, while the general public and that flight was subject to accident, whether are rendered dissolute. the revenger of blood should overtake him Where a nation is exclusively commercial, it before he had gotten sanctuary or no. It is true can make an immense accumulation of riches that our law hath made a more subtle distinc- without sensibly altering its manners. The pas. tion between the will inflamed and the will sion of the trader is avarice and the habit of advised, between manslaughter in heat and continuous labor. Left alone to his instincts he murder upon prepensed malice or cold blood, as amasses riches to possess them, without design. the soldiers call it; an indulgence not unfit for ing or knowing how to use them. Examples a choleric and warlike nation; for it is true, ira are needed to conduct him to prodigality, ostenfuror brevis, a man in fury is not himself. This tation, and moral corruption. As a rule the privilege of passion the ancient Roman law merchant opposes the soldier. One desires the restrained, but to a case; that was, if the hus. accumulations of industry, the other of conband took the adulterer in the manner. To quest. One makes of power the means of getthat rage and provocation only it gave way, ting riches, the other makes of riches the means that a homicide was justifiable. But for a dif- of getting power. One is disposed to be ecoference to be made in killing and destroying nomical, a taste due to his labor. The other is man, upon a forethought purpose, between foul prodigal, the instinct of his valor. In modern and fair, and, as it were, between single murder monarchies these two classes form the aristoc. and vied murder, it is but a monstrous child of racy and the democracy. Commerce in certain this latter age, and there is no shadow of it in republics forms an aristocracy, or rather an any law, divine or human. — (From his Star "extra aristocracy in the democracy." These Chamber speech against duelling. Brewer's are the directing forces of such democracies, Text.)

with the addition of two other governing powers,

which have come in, the clergy and the legal Bancroft, George (American, 1800–1891.)

fraternity, who assist largely in shaping the Individual sovereignty and Vested Right

course of events. — (From Barnave's speeches in in Slaves — The slave born on our soil always

Brewer's «Orations.) owed allegiance to the general government. It may in time past have been a qualified alle- Barré, Colonel Isaac (Ireland, 1726–1802.) giance, manifested through his master, as the

Tea Taxes and the American Character allegiance of a ward through its guardian, or of

The Americans may be fattered into anything ; an infant through its parent. But when the

but they are too much like yourselves to be master became false to his allegiance, the slave

driven. Have some indulgence for your own stood face to face with his country; and his

likeness; respect their sturdy English virtue ; allegiance, which may before have been a quali

retract your odious exertions of authority, and fied one, became direct and immediate. His

remember that the first step towards making chains fell off, and he rose at once in the pres

them contribute to your wants is to reconcile ence of the nation, bound, like the rest of us, to

them to your government. its defense. Mr. Lincoln's proclamation did but take notice of the already existing right of the Barrow, Isaac (England, 1630–1677.) bondman to freedom. The treason of the mas- Political Llars - What do men commonly ter made it a public crime for the slave to con- please themselves in so much as in carping and

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abyss of hell, and the bitter howlings, and woeful wailings, and weeping, and gnashing of teeth; and all these dire woes without end ? Deliverance from these after death there is none; neither is there any device, nor contrivance, for escaping these bitter torments.

But now it is possible to escape them. Now, then, while it is possible, let us recover ourselves from our fall, let us not despair of restoration, if we break loose from our vices. Jesus Christ came into the world to save sinners. «Oh, come, let us worship and bow down, let us weep before him. His word, calling us to repentance, lifts up its voice and cries aloud, «Come unto me all ye that labor and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest.”— (From his sermon on a ( Recreant Nun.”) Bates, Edward (American, 1793-1869.)

old-Line Whigs-An Old-Line Whig is one who takes his whisky regularly, and votes the Democratic ticket occasionally.

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harshly censuring, in defaming and abusing their neighbors ? Is it not the sport and divertisement of many to cast dirt in the faces of all they meet with ? to bespatter any man with foul imputations ? Doth not in every corner a Momus lurk, from the venom of whose spiteful or petulant tongue no eminency of rank, dignity of place, or sacredness of office, no innocence or integrity of life, no wisdom or circumspection in behavior, no good-nature or benignity in dealing and carriage, can protect any person? Do not men assume to themselves a liberty of telling romances, and framing characters concerning their neighbors, as freely as a poet doth about Hector or Turnus, Thersites or Draucus ? Do they not usurp a power of playing with, or tossing about, of tearing in pieces their neighbor's good name, as if it were the veriest toy in the world ? Do not many having a form of godliness (some of them demurely, others confidently, both without any sense of, or remorse for, what they do) backbite their brethren ? Is it not grown so common a thing to asperse causelessly that no man wonders at it, that few dislike, that scarce any detest it? that most notorious calumniators are heard, not only with patience, but with pleasure; yea, are even held in vogue and reverence as men of a notable talent, and very serviceable to their party ?(From sermons on the Government of the Tongue.) Basil, the Great (Cappadocia, 329–379.)

A Vision of Judgment, Picture to thy mind the final dissolution of all that belongs to our present life, when the Son of Man shall come in his glory, with his holy angles; for he «shall come, and shall not keep silence,” when he shall come to judge the living and the dead, and to render to every man according to his work ; when the trumpet, with its loud and terrible echo, shall awaken those who have slept from the beginning of the world, and they shall come forth, they that have done good to the resurrection of the life, and they that have done evil to the resurrection of damnation. Remember the divine vision of Daniel, how he brings the judgment before our eyes. "I beheld,” says he, till the thrones were placed, and the Ancient of days did sit, whose garment was white as snow, and the hair of his head like the pure wool; his throne was like the fiery fame, and his wheels as burning fire. A fiery stream issued and came forth from before him; thousand thousands ministered unto him, and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him ; the judgment was set, and the books were opened,» revealing all at once in the hearing of all men and all angels, all things, whether good or bad, open or secret, deeds, words, thoughts. What effect must all these things have on those who have lived viciously? Where, then, shall the soul, thus suddenly revealed in all the fullness of its shame in the eyes of such a multitude of spectators, — Oh, where shall it hide itself? In what body can it endure those unbounded and intolerable tor. ments of the unquenchable fire, and the tortures of the undying worm, and the dark and frightful

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Bayard, James A. (American, 1767-1815.)

Dangers of a Partisan Judiciary-Let it be remembered that no power is so sensibly felt by society as that of the judiciary. The life and property of every man is liable to be in the hands of the judges. Is it not our great interest to place our judges upon such high ground that no fear can intimidate, no hope seduce them ? The present measure humbles them in the dust, it prostrates them at the feet of faction, it renders them the tools of every dominant party. It is this effect which I deprecate, it is this consequence which I deeply deplore. What does reason, what does argument avail, when party spirit presides ? Subject your bench to the inAuence of this spirit and justice bids a final adieu to your tribunals. We are asked, sir, if the judges are to be independent of the people? The question presents a false and delusive view. We are all the people. We are, and as long as we enjoy our freedom, we shall be divided into parties. The true question is, shall the judiciary be permanent, or fluctuate with the tide of public opinion ? I beg, I implore gentlemen to consider the magnitude and value of the principle which they are about to annihilate. If your judges are independent of political changes they may have their preferences, but they will not enter into the spirit of party. But let their existence depend upon the support of the power of a certain set of men and they cannot be impartial Justice will be trodden under foot. Your courts will lose all public confidence and respect.

The judges will be supported by their parti. sans, who, in their turn, will expect impunity for the wrongs and violence they commit. The spirit of party will be inflamed to madness; and the moment is not far off when this fair country is to be desolated by a civil war.-(From a speech on the Judiciary Bill of 1802.) Bayard, Thomas F. (American, 1828-1898.)

Patriotism above Partisanship - The oath I have taken is to support the Constitution of

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