Page images
PDF
EPUB

APPENDIX A.

The following cases were submitted to the Committee by the Editor, but were not thought of sufficient importance to be fully reported in the collection.

Central Criminal Court.-At the August Sessions, 1848, George Shell, James Maxwell Bryson, Robert Crowe, and John James Bezer were successively tried before PLATT, B., for uttering seditious speeches and being present at an unlawful assembly. The evidence, which was similar to that reported in the last volume in Reg. v. Fussell (a) and Reg. v. Jones, (b) is reported in the Central Criminal Court Sessions Papers.(c) The defendants were convicted and sentenced to be imprisoned for two years, to pay fines of 101. or 20., and to enter into recognisances themselves in 100/., with two sureties in 501., to keep the peace for five years, and to be imprisoned until the fines were paid and the sureties given.

At the September Sessions John Shaw was tried before ERLE and WILLIAMS, JJ., on a similar charge. (d) He was convicted and sentenced to be imprisoned for two years, to pay a fine of 50%., and to enter into recognisances himself in 1007., with two sureties in 50l., to keep the peace for five years, and to be further imprisoned until the fines were paid and the securities entered into.

Clonmel Special Commission.-After the trial and conviction of Smith O'Brien, reported above, p. 1, Terence Bellew M'Manus, Patrick O'Donohue, and Thomas Francis Meagher, were successively tried and convicted. Their trials are shortly reported in Ann. Reg. 1848, 445, from which, supplemented from the full reports in the Freeman's Journal, the following

account is taken :

October 9th.

Terence Bellew M'Manus was indicted for high treason. The indictment was the same as

that on which Mr. O'Brien had been tried and convicted.

The Attorney-General (Monahan) said that the charge was one of high treason by levying war, and that it would be proved that an armed insurrection or rising did take place in this country last July, and that with respect to Mr. M'Manus himself, the object of it must have been general. Mr. McManus was an Irishman, but resided in Liverpool; unfortunately for him

(a) 6 St. Tr. N.S. 723. (b) Ib. 783.

(c) Vol. 28, pp. 666, 673, 534, 573. (d) Ib. 705.

self, he was in the habit of associating much with persons who had assumed the denomination of Chartists, and the first evidence against him was a speech delivered in Liverpool on the 6th of June last, the subject of which was that repeal should be carried by all means-that if it were not carried by fair means, there would be a bloody struggle to obtain it, and that those who joined him in that bloody struggle which he anticipated, would, as a reward for so joining him, obtain grants of land in Ireland. That would evidently imply that the conquering or successful party would have the means of making grants of land. Mr. M'Manus arrived in Dublin from Liverpool on the morning of the 25th of July. Immediately after reaching Dublin, he again left that city, and the next place he was seen at was either Mullinahone or on the march to Ballingarry, taking part in the proceedings which had already been proved in the case of Mr. O'Brien. It might be alleged that M'Manus had done those acts in order to protect Mr. O'Brien from arrest, but, however cogent such an argument might be in Mr. O'Brien's case, it could scarcely be supposed that M'Manus came over from Liverpool and appeared in arms for that sole object, and that he did not wish to protect Mr. O'Brien from arrest in order that he might become the leader of a revolutionary party.

The speech of the prisoner at Liverpool, his arrival at Dublin by the Iron Duke steamer, his leaving behind him a tin case containing a military uniform, were then proved by witnesses. The prisoner's course thence was unknown until he joined Mr. O'Brien, when the evidence was nearly the same as was given on that trial. In order to connect the prisoner with these,

William Egan, steward of the relief works at Ballingarry, repeated the evidence he gave in Mr. O'Brien's case. Identified Mr. McManus as having been with Mr. O'Brien on Wednesday evening at Ballingarry. Saw M‘Manus on horseback riding about the streets; there was a

crowd there at the time.

Thomas Burke, summons-server of Ballin. garry, examined.-Saw a crowd of 400 or 500 people in the village on Thursday, the 27th of July. Some of them were armed. Identified the prisoner as being among them; he had a belt round his waist which held pistols. Saw him at Farrinrory afterwards, breaking open an outhouse in the attack on the widow Cormack's.

Heard him say "that the house should be burnt."

George Sparrow proved the assemblage of armed men, and acts of drilling at Mullinahone, and identified Mr. M'Manus as having been at Ballingarry with Mr. O'Brien.

Sub-inspector Trant repeated his evidence at O'Brien's trial, above, p. 168.

On his cross examination he stated that as he was marching with his party from Callan to Ballingary they called upon him to whistle or sing some martial air to cheer them on their way, and he began to whistle accordingly. When they reached the house, "thinking that singing was as good for fighting as for marching, I called upon Constable Young to strike up 'the British Grenadiers'; he did so, and it was immediately taken up and chorussed throughout the house."

You published a despatch giving an account of this battle?-I did, according to what is usual in such cases.

Is it true that you began that despatch with a poetic quotation? It is perfectly true, and I am not ashamed of it, at all.

Perhaps you could favour us now with repeating that quotation now.-Yes, I can.

"Who takes the foremost foeman's life, His party conquers in the strife." Constable Carroll, of the mounted police who had gone with a despatch from Kilkenny to Mr. Trant, on the morning of the battle, and who was taken prisoner on his return by O'Brien's party, identified M'Manus as the person who came up to him and said, "You are my prisoner." M Manus was armed with a gun. He was immediately surrounded, and thinking he was going to be shot, he expressed a wish to see Mr. O'Brien or M'Manus again. McManus then came up and took him out of the crowd into a field.

Cross-examined.

He heard Mr. O'Brien say he could take the house in an hour. He was sent with Father Fitzgerald to Mr. Trant to know if he would give up the arms before the people attacked the house. Father Fitzgerald went up to the house.

Inspector Trant recalled.-I remember the policeman coming a second time with Father Fitzgerald. The latter gentleman came to the window, and said his mission was to make peace between both parties. He said the other party would be satisfied if we surrendered our arms, and would in that case let us depart in safety; he added that he himself would accompany us, and guarantee our safety. I replied that we would never surrender our arms but with our lives. He then remarked that they would burn the house over us I replied that I had five hostages, meaning the children. He then said, you have no provisions; and I said we could fight and fast for forty hours, and that, if we fell, there would still be sufficient men to revenge our fall, and not leave a house standing in the county. I also remarked that we were doing no harm, and if he could protect the men with him, he could protect us. Father

85234.

Fitzgerald returned again in a few minutes and asked me for a pallet for a dying man. I at first refused, saying I wanted every thing to fortify the house, but I afterwards gave one. He then asked permission to take some poor dead and dying creatures away.

Head-constable Crowley stated that on the 30th of August last he was stationed at Cork. On that day he arrested the prisoner on board an American vessel convenient to the harbour's

mouth.

Butt for the prisoner: They would have two questions to try. First, how far the prisoner was connected with the acts alleged; and, secondly, how far the acts themselves constituted a levying of war. The first act charged against him was the erection of barricades. That, in itself, was not a levying of The indictment required that the jury should consider it and all similar acts as attempts to subvert the constitution of the realm. The levying of war must be actually carried into effect to constitute the crime set

war.

forth. If a man compassed the death of the Queen, he was guilty if he committed one act towards it, though the object were never accomplished; but the levying of war must be actually carried out. If a number of persons assembled together and incited the people to insurrection, the guilt charged in the indictment was not complete, and the leaders would only be liable to an indictment under another Act which had lately received the sanction of the Legislature. No design, intention, preparation, or conspiracy will prove the offence- there must be an actual series of acts done with the intention and object charged against the prisoner. The defence was, that every act charged and proved against him was perfectly reconcilable with the sole object of protecting Mr. O'Brien from arrest. If that were the case, they were bound to return a verdict of acquittal. With respect to the general evidence, every particle of evi. dence respecting the speeches of Mr. O'Brien, or even of M Manus, in Liverpool, were only calculated to mislead the jury, unless in so far as the words used cast light on the intention of the accused. It was not for the jury to decide whether he did or did not make the speech in evidence in Liverpool, but they were to consider whether he did or did not levy war against the Queen at Mullinahone. The next point of evidence referred to the uniform. The whole isle was frighted from its propriety at the time by the "discovery of the uniform of a rebel general," and people were terrified with the notion that some great French Marshal had come over to lead the insurgents. But it turned out, after all, that the terrible uniform was merely the state dress of the '82 Club, which was formed some years ago by some gentlemen anxious to promote the cause of repeal. Finding himself dodged by a policeman, and knowing that he had connected himself with the party against which the vengeance of the Government was directed, Mr. M'Manus resolved to leave Dublin, as it would not have been at all pleasant for a man in business to have been kept in gaol till March 1849. He left Dublin and went to Kilkenny, where he visited some of his customers, intendM M

ing to conceal himself from imprisonment. Having heard that Mr. O'Brien was in the neighbourhood, he went to see him, and became mixed up in the unfortunate events which afterwards followed. He did not join him till Thursday, and the acts committed by Mr. O'Brien before that day could not at all affect him. In Lord George Gordon's trial, Lord Mansfield left two issues to the jury; first, whether the design of the multitude was to force a repeal of an Act of Parliament; secondly, how far Lord George Gordon was implicated in that movement with the same design. In the same way two questions here arose for the jury. What was the design of the movement which had taken place before the arrival of M Manus? and, secondly, how far he had adopted and had acted on the same principle? Beyond all question the origin of that movement had been the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and the issue of a warrant for

Mr. O'Brien's arrest.

Witnesses were then called who gave the prisoner a high character, both as a private man

and in business. The uniform was also identi

fied as that worn by the members of the '82 Club.

October 12th.

DOHERTY, L.C.J., summed up. After an absence of three hours, the jury found the prisoner guilty, but strongly recommended him to mercy.

Patrick O'Donohue was tried next. Evidence was given that he took part with Smith O'Brien in the events at Ballingarry, &c., but no evidence that he was a party to any treasonable designs previous to that date. For the defence his counsel submitted that he could not be convicted, unless there were evidence that he was aware of the treasonable intentions of the other parties at the time he took part with them.

So that if a man, or body of men, be engaged in a treasonable purpose, any man who associates himself with them, who affords them his assistance and aid, though he may be ignorant of the treasonable intent, it is laid down by the high authority I have quoted, that he would be guilty of high treason.

The prisoner was found guilty.

October 16th.

trial under a similar indictment to those of the Thomas Francis Meagher was put on his preceding prisoners.

and established in contradistinction to other

The Attorney-General (Monahan) stated the charge against the prisoner, as in the preceding that it was not necessary that the accused should cases. It was undoubtedly the law of high treason be personally present, and personally take part in the entire of the proceedings. It was settled crimes, such as murder, that a man might be guilty of levying war, though he himself had advised, encouraged, or sent out others for the not left his own dwelling. A man who incited, purpose of levying war, was himself guilty of high treason. The speeches by Mr. Meagher in the early part of the year would satisfy them that Mr. Meagher had the object and intention of endeavouring to effect a revolution, which, indeed, he did afterwards attempt, and that at that time the only thing undetermined in his mind was as to the date at which it should take place. There was an association in Dublin, called the Irish Confederation, of which Mr. Meagher was a distinguished member. He did not say that that Confederation was formed for treasonable purposes-the professed object of it was to obtain a repeal of the Union; and he did not mean to say that it was to be obtained by illegal means; but he thought he should be able to prove that, soon MOORE, J., in summing up: I have to tell after its formation, and some time in February you, as a principle of law, that if men are or March in this year, very many of the engaged in a treasonable purpose, and other members of that Association-and none more men act with them and forward that purpose, conspicuously than Mr. Meagher-formed the though they may not be acquainted with the design of effecting a revolution by force of treasonable intentions of the party whose acts arms. The first piece of evidence he should they are furthering, they will be traitors in the adduce was a speech delivered by Mr. Meagher contemplation of the law, though they be igno- at a meeting of the Confederation on the 15th rant of the treasonable intent. I do not lay of March, which was made the subject of a down this proposition on my own authority, prosecution. (a) The speaker proposed that which is very little, nor on that of my learned delegates, elected from the chief cities and brother, which is very great, but I will give it towns, should proceed to London and demand you on the authority of a very eminent lawyer an audience of the Queen; if it were yielded, and judge, Sir Matthew Hale. The Earl of then that they should implore Her Majesty to Essex, the great favourite of Queen Elizabeth, exercise her Royal prerogative and summon did in the latter end of his life commit an act a Parliament to meet in Dublin; but if it which was deemed high treason. The Earl of were refused, then-he said it advisedly and Southampton associated with him in part of his deliberately-it would be their duty to fight, and proceedings, and in reference to that Sir Matthew fight desperately. Another meeting was held, Hale lays down: "His adherence, though he and a deputation, consisting of Mr. O'Brien, did not know of any other purpose than, in a Mr. Meagher, and Mr. O'Gorman, general way, that the Earl of Esser had a appointed to proceed to France with a conquarrel with a servant of the Queen's, was trea-gratulatory address from Ireland. The deputa. son in him, as the act was rebellion in the Earl of Essex." (a)

(a) 1 Hale P.C. 138; Moore, 620; 2 Hawk. P.C. c. 2. s. 26; and cf. per Popham, C.J., in Blunt's case, 1 St Tr. 1410.

was

tion went to France, and returned early in April, and on the 15th of that month a soirée

(a) See Reg. v. O'Brien, Reg. v. Meagher, 6 St. Tr. N.S. 571.

[ocr errors]

was held to compliment the deputation on their return; and at that meeting Mr. Meagher presented to the Confederation a flag which he said he had brought from France, and which, from his speech, he seemed to anticipate would be the flag under which the struggle would take place. At that time speeches or meetings of such a character were by the law of Ireland only misdemeanors, but in England they were high treason. An Act was accordingly passed, 11 & 12 Vict. c. 12., making it felony in both countries to compass, imagine, or intend to levy war against the Queen, and to express such intention by open and advised speaking, or the publication of any written or printed document. That Act was passed on the 22nd of April, and in May Mr. Mitchel was prosecuted under it for certain articles published in his newspaper. In the meantime the charge against Mr. Meagher had been brought to trial, but the jury did not agree to a verdict. At that period a number of clubs had been established in Dublin, and he thought he should be able to prove, by the evidence of Mr. Meagher himself, that immediately before the trial of Mitchel, consultations were held as to whether, in the event of Mitchel's conviction and intended transportation, efforts should not be made to rescue him, and whether an attempt should not be made at the same time to effect a revolution which they had arranged and planned, though the precise mode of effecting it had not been previously determined on. He would allege that Mr. Meagher went about night after night through the clubs for the purpose of ascertaining their opinions, and whether they were prepared at that moment to break out in open insurrection; for it was downright nonsense to suppose that the object was merely to break out in arms to rescue Mr. Mitchel, who was at that time confined in Newgate, in the city of Dublin, where there were then 8,000 or 9,000 troops. He would allege, also, that they determined ultimately to postpone the insurrection until after the harvest, as there would not be a sufficient quantity of provisions before, and the Government might starve them into submission. The learned counsel then referred to the speech of Mr. Meagher on the 6th of June, after the transportation of Mr. Mitchel. Early in July, Mr. Duffy and others were arrested, and it then became a matter of serious consideration with Meagher, and those connected in this transaction, as to what should be done in relation to those parties. Accordingly, on the 14th or 15th of July, proceedings were taken by the Confederation for a discussion as to whether the time had then arrived for the revolution to be attempted. One reason stated in May for the postponement was, that the clubs were not sufficiently organized, and in the early part of July, several members of the clubs had gone through the country to review them, and ascertain their state of organization, the object being, as far as they could judge from the statements of the different parties, that there should be a simultaneous rising in the country. It would appear that, on the 15th of that month, Mr. Meagher held a large meeting at Slievenamon. At the meeting of the Con

federation, therefore, on that day Mr. Meagher was not present. On the 19th of July, however, arrangements were made for another meeting on the 21st of July, and at that meeting Mr. Meagher was present; and a witness who was present would prove that it was held for the purpose of electing a council of five persons as a council of war, to conduct an armed revolution in the country. No reporters were present at that meeting, and he would produce a person named Dobbyn, who was the representative of the Red Hand Club, and who took part in the proceedings of the meeting, to prove what occurred. He had reported the proceedings of the Club to the Government from day to day, and from his information the parties had been prevented from carrying out their project. Attempts would be made to impeach the veracity of that witness, but he (the AttorneyGeneral) was fully prepared to support his general conduct and credit, if any such attempts were made. The balloting papers that were used at that meeting of the 21st of July were afterwards found in the possession of Mr. Lalor, who was present at the meeting, and probably was a candidate for the office of one of the council; and Dobbyn, who had never seen those papers from the day they were used, would prove that those were the actual balloting papers, and that the council elected was composed of Mr. Meagher, Mr. O'Gorman, Mr. Dillon, Mr. D. Reilly, and Mr. M'Ghee. Immediately after that election, a resolution was proposed, that the revolution should not be postponed beyond the 8th of August. Mr. Meagher refused to give a positive pledge to that effect, but said he would use every effort in his power for encouraging the people by whom the revolution was to be effected. He could produce no witness to corroborate Dobbyn; but if the meeting to which he would depose were innocent, it would be competent for the counsel of the prisoner to produce any man, or number of men, present at it, to contradict Dobbyn. Coming to the actual outbreak, he was not able to show that Mr. Meagher was at Mullinahone, but it would be proved that he

was

at Ballingarry, on Friday, with Mr. O'Brien, addressing the people. It was not necessary to the prisoner's guilt to show that he was aware of what was about to take place the following day. If he was aware of the nature of the proceedings generally, it was sufficient. He was not able to produce any evidence; but he might call upon them to infer from the facts proved that he was aware of the previous transaction, of the general nature of the transactions in which Mr. O'Brien was engaged, and that it was in furtherance of that object that he joined that gentleman on the Friday. The learned counsel, after detailing the proceedings on Saturday, the 29th, then read the letter written by Mr. Meagher from Cahirmoyle to Mr. O'Brien, and another to a Mr. Smith, in whose possession it was found at the time of his (Mr. Smith's) arrest. The following are extracts from it :—

[blocks in formation]

splendid. As to the Freeman, we must do our best to crush it. With regard to Cork, Barry (that is a secret) is rather tame; is adverse to à Confederate move, whilst Charley Murphy and Denny Lane are decidedly for it. I am urging them with all my might and efforts to carry every point triumphantly. There's no doubt we shall have the upper hand in time. The clubs will do the business. Don't forget France and her revolution.”

October 17th.

James Stephenson Dobbyn-Examined by the Attorney-General.

I live in Dublin; was a member of the Red Hand Club. The club met on Constitution Hill, and was a branch of the Curran Club, which met in Capel Street; in other words, it was founded by the members of the latter. It consisted of about thirty members when I joined; others were added afterwards. The Curran consisted of about 500 members; many of them had arms. Saw Mr. Meagher at the Curran Club about June 22. The occasion of the meeting was the presentation, by Mr. Meagher, of a flag to the club. I could see a variety of colours in it. Meagher spoke about standing by their colours, and establishing the independence of the country. Attended another meeting of the representatives of clubs on the 19th of June, in the day time: it was to defeat the Lord Lieutenant's proclamation. Mr. O'Brien and the prisoner were there. Attended another meeting on the 21st of June, when Meagher was also present. I went about 8 o'clock. The meeting was held in consequence of what took place at the meeting on the 19th. There were about a dozen people present when I first went in. Mr. Dillon was moved to the chair, Mr. Meagher being present at the time. Dillon stated from the chair what the object of the meeting was; it was to form an executive council. The council was stated to be for the management of the clubs. It was stated that as the council was then constituted their business would ooze out too much, and that if they were reduced to five there would be a greater probability of security. Mr. Lalor handed Mr. Dillon a letter from Mr. Duffy, who was in gaol at the time, in which he proposed the names of three clergymen as members, namely, Rev. Mr. Hughes, Rev. Mr. O'Mally, and Rev. Mr. Kenyon. The members exclaimed that it was to be a council of war, and that no priests were to be on it. The members representing the clubs said that. The next thing they did was to go to the election of the council. There was a general feeling at the meeting that Mr. O'Brien should be elected one of the members, but Mr. Dillon said Mr. O'Brien would be of greater service in organizing the country than he would be in the council. Dillon then read the names of each club from a book, and the representatives answered. No person was allowed to vote unless he represented a club. The election was by means of papers. Five were to be elected. The balloting papers were put into a box, and two scrutineers were appointed, who retired into a back

room with it. I wrote a balloting paper myself. I never saw that paper until a few days before I was produced as a witness in Clonmel.

The Attorney-General requested Mr. Kemmis to produce the papers, and that gentleman handed them to witness.

Attorney-General: Would you look through those papers and see if you can find the paper you wrote yourself?

Dobbyn looked over them carefully, and after a time took out a slip, and said, "There is the one I wrote." There were thirty papers in all, and in reply to Doherty, L.C.J., he stated that twenty-nine members and Mr. Dillon had voted for the executive council. Witness identified three other papers as having been written by Mr. McDermott, Mr. J. F. Lalor, and Mr. O'Higgins. On second thoughts, he said he was not clear on the latter fact. Witness further stated the names of a number of those who voted, and among them was Mr. Meagher.

The persons elected were Mr. Dillon, Mr. Meagher, Mr. O'Gorman, jun., Mr. M'Ghee. There was an equality of votes for Lalor and Devin Reilly, and on a new election the latter was chosen. Mr. M'Dermott and Mr. Lalor proposed that the executive should give a pledge to have a rising on the 8th of August. Mr. Meagher objected to give a pledge to have a rising on the 8th of August, but said he would do everything in his power to expedite it even before that day. Dillon gave a similar pledge, and confirmed it by "So help me God." M'Ghee said he would do all in his power to promote it by writing, speaking, and acting. Three of the executive council were to form a quorum. It was arranged that the council was to sit next day, to have four club meetings next day in Dublin. There were to be no speeches at all, but the members' names were to be called out If the clubs were well organized, it was considered that two hours' notice was quite sufficient to turn them out. The object of the meeting was to ascertain their numerical strength. They were not to be armed.

Cross-examined.

Did you not swear on Mr. O'Brien's trial that Mr. Meagher was present at the meeting of July 15th ?—No.

Will you swear that?-If I said so then, I swore what was not true.

Oh, I have no doubt of that, but will you tell me what you swore?-I will positively swear Meagher was at the meetings of the 19th and 21st.

But you swore to the contrary on Mr. O'Brien's trial?--I did not.

Whiteside: My lord, I rest this examination on the accuracy of the newspaper reports, but on this point I appeal to your lordships' notes.

BLACKBURNE, L.C.J.: You cannot do so; you cannot ask us to refer to our notes of the past trial for this purpose.

Was the council of the Confederation dissolved on the 21st? Was it intended to dissolve it ?-I believe it was; I don't know.

Did you ever speak to Mr. Meagher ?—No ; he spoke to me.

« EelmineJätka »