the time when we made the resolution. We prayed that God would direct us, and bless our determination. He did so we subscribed a trifle each-arranged for the supply of the poor, gratis, with beef, mutton, and potatoes; and, without asking assistauce from any one, we were supplied with funds for regular relief to hundreds of poor people during the whole winter. Without our solicitation, many hundreds of pounds flowed in, from the spontaneous bounty of those who heard of our labours-thousands of blessings rest on the givers.

"I remember your kind master, and many of his family connexions, were among those benefactors to the poor.

"We found the poor most patient, most grateful. That winter's experience taught me a lesson which I shall never forget. The remembrance of it is balm to me in this cell.

"But to my tale-my affecting and edifying tale, about poor old Grace Wallis.

་

"Get your wife and children all around you. If your house' will hold a few neighbours, call them in. Shut the door-let all be silent save the reader. Grace Wallis was a widow indeed-she is dead-hear her speak.

"I heard that a poor woman was starving, in a small cottage, in a yard. at Hanslet. I entered her dwelling. A broken table, a few broken chairs and pots, were all the furniture; there was no fire; it was a very cold day; I saw no human being.

"I returned, told a neighbour what I had seen, and that the poor woman was not in. She is upstairs, Sir; her daughter is gone out to beg some coals, was the answer;' adding, I will show you where she is.' I declined, wishing to see the starving creature alone. As I turned towards the door, her neighbour, guessing my errand, said, 'I fear you will be too late, Sir, she is at the last gasp. It is many a day since she tasted anything but tea. We gather her tea-leaves, when we can get them-poor thing, we can do no more.'

At the further end of the cottage, I observed a broken ladder. I made towards it. When I had mounted the second step, I heard a solemn sound—the voice apparently of a dying woman. I was still and listening.

"In a tone such as I never heard before, the following words escaped her lips-I shall never forget them I thank thee, Heavenly Father, for shortening the time-I bless thee Jesus, my Saviour, for sending 'pination' to hasten thy chariot-wheels. Come, Lord Jesus, come quickly! The ac cent was broken, but the words were distinct. I stood almost unconscious that I was upon earth. "At length I silently mounted the ladder, and, with as little noise as possible, reached the spot where the precious woman was lying.

The loft was without window-the only light came through the aperture made for the ladder in the floor, and the crevices between the slates. There was no fire-no furniture. The bed was a heap of rags formed into a mattress, with a quantity of them over her body. There Grace Wallis lav-there, unperceived, I stood. Her eyes were closed-her hands were clasped-her lips moved. I feared to disturb her. I knew not if she were dying-I thought she was praying.

"At length, I said, 'Good woman, you are very poorly. My voice stariled her-she opened her eyes-they seemed to be glazed by death. She said, Who are you? Don't disturb me-I'm going-Jesus is coming for nie.'

"I poured a little wine and water into a dessert-spoon, and. kneeling down, applied it to her parched and withered lips. She swallowed it eagerly. I repeated the dose several times-then I soaked a very small piece of biscuit in a spoonful of wine and water, and placed it in her mouth. In a little while she swallowed it. Being somewhat revived, she said, 'Thank you. Sir, you are very kind, but I would rather go with Jesus. I am waiting for Him-do not hinder Him.'

"I remained with her about three-quarters of an hour. Before I left her, she asked me to pray. I did so it was like praying on the very threshold of Heaven. I cannot forget the solemnity of that moment.

"I gave directions to the neighbour woman, and left money to purchase what was required. I visited Grace the next day; she was nicely. For many days afterwards I called upon her-she recovered, lived some years, walked several times to Fixby, (16 miles,) and was attached to me as though I were her son.

She had been a faithful servant of God for more than fifty years. In her extremity He did not forsake her-His grace was all-sufficient.

"I was taught by her that the Grace of God could sustain in every extremity. Many a time since then, when difficulties pressed hard on me, while she was alive, I have taken courage, saying, Grace is praying for me-she will be heard.'

"Now, she is one of God's messengers.' I believe that she ministers to me' in this cell.That is the tale about Grace Wallis.-I think it will do you good, and strengthen your confidence in God. Believe me, Pounder, that is why I have told it.-Your neighbours can leave you now.-Farewell,

"P.S.-You shall hear from me again next week.-R.O."

"RICHARD OASTLER.

I hope, Sir, that the tale which I have told to my friend Pounder about Grace Wallis, will be useful to you, as I am sure it will be to many.

I am your Victim,

RICHARD OASTLER.

P.S.-I cannot help it-" Rent-Roll" must wait.-R.O.

ERRATA.-Vol. 3, No. 2, page 14, line 3 from bottom, for "Property," read " Poverty"; for and as," read "or."

Printed by Vincent Torras & Co., 7, Palace Row, New Road, London.

Being Letters to

THE RIGHT HON. SIR JAMES GRAHAM, BART., M.P., Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for the Home Department ;

FROM

RICHARD OASTLER,

His Victim in the Queen's Prison,

WITH OCCASIONAL COMMUNICATIONS FROM friends.

"The Altar, the Throne, and the Cottage."-"Property has its duties, as well as its rights." The Husbandman that laboureth, must be first partaker of the fruits."

66

"He shall judge the poor of the people, He shall save the children of the needy, and shall break in pieces the Oppressor."

VOL. III.-No. 5.

LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1843.

PRICE 2d.

The Queen's Prison.

TO THE RIGHT HON. SIR JAMES GRAHAM, BART., M.P., HER MAJESTY'S PRINCIPAL SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE HOME DEPARTMENT.

a

SIR,-How melancholy is the reflection, that in her extremity of domestic distress, England's fate should depend in any degree upon the genius of one so unequal to her emergencies as yourself! Instead of having a Home Secretary who is ambitious of obtaining "the perfection of glory," which is thus described by Tully-" That the people love us, that they have confidence in us, that being affected with a certain admiration towards us, they think we deserve honour;"-I say, instead of being blessed with a Minister of State able to control and regulate the jarring elements which now war against our domestic prosperity, who is "thus composed and circumstantiated," how melancholy is the fate of my native country, when it has the misfortune to be ruled by one whose highest qualification is, that, in the powerful language of an Oxford Prize Essay, written by a young student of Christ Church, of superior talents and rare abilities, he is " most accomplished dissembler"-one who is "content to comply with the prevailing humour of the times, and pliant enough to bow to the storm when it rages with unusual fury"-" priding himself on his skilful pilotage in present straights, more than on a careful watch for dangers far ahead; and provided the vessel of State make this voyage in safety, leaving the charge of her future destination to fresh adventurers." Neglectful of those great public duties which are imperiously demanded of one in his official situation, zealous only to exhibit his power in the torture of the unfortunate, and his cunning by insidiously attacking a truthtelling twopenny paper, by secret attempts to injure its reputation and its circulation! A Minister whom the people hate, whom even his supporters distrust, and whom his colleagues do not honour.

While you are sacrificing the best interests of the country, by listening to the suggestions of Expediency rather than the commands of Principle-while you thus glory in the cunning of the ape rather than the wisdom of the serpent, and are reaping your reward, I will, instead of uttering vain regrets at the contemplation of the disgrace and danger of my country, I will fearlessly pursue the course of truth, being conscious that, in the words of the Essay I have already

quoted, "it is impossible to estimate the effect which a single voice boldly and honestly raised, though in a hopeless cause, may have in checking abuses, and preparing the way for future good, finding ample consolation for present neglect in the reversion of distant blessings to my country; being content, after doing my own part, to leave the result in the disposal of a higher power."

Enough on this head. I allude to these matters that you may be sure your petty efforts to silence me will only add to your further disgrace and your surediscomfiture. Torment my body to your liking! your triumph cannot reach my mind!

In my last letter I was telling you of the despondency which overwhelmed the Leaguers after the complete overthrow of their allies, the Complète Suffragists, at Birmingham by the stout-hearted representatives of the English working classes; and how the Leaguers, in their sorrow, applied to your old friend and fag Francis Place for aid and advice.

The subject is interesting, and, just now, important; I will, therefore, with-out further delay, give you the sequel.

Mr. Place is, as you are aware, quite an adept in political manœuvres-he knows where the shoe pinches. His advice was to begin by contriving to get rid of O'Connor. His hint was eagerly embraced by the Leaguers. The only question was, How? Expence was declared to be no object. "Only put us in the way how to silence that man," said the Leaguers," and it shall be done."—" By means of the press," answered Place. "Do you not see that his strength is in the Northern Star? Establish a new Chartist weekly organ, push it into the market, and then you will be able gradually to diminish, and finally destroy,. O'Connor's influence, by running down his paper."-"We have The Cir-cular, and our friends, the Sturgeites, have the Nonconformist; cannot thosenewspapers be so managed as to answer every purpose?" eagerly inquired the Leaguers." Not a bit of it," smilingly rejoined Place; "you do not understand" your position. You want the aid of the working classes-you must have the MASSES?-they will not, at present, read either of those papers. They considerthe former as the organ of the mill-owners, entirely opposed to the emancipation of the working classes; and as to the latter, they know it only as the organ of the defeated party, the Complete Suffragists, whom they now recognize merely as a section of the League, detached from the body, in the hope of obtaining the assistance of the working classes, the masses, under the cloak of Complete Suffrage. Those organs may be very useful in their way, but to obtain the required' assistance, you must establish a purely Chartist newspaper. The six points' must be stoutly and constantly urged; and, in order to obtain the support of that portion of the working classes who expect benefit from the protection of labour,' as they call it, you must make the rate of wages one very material subject in your paper. You must get over the New Poor Law as silently as possible, finding fault with some of its details. Free Trade must always be linked with high wages (!!) Occasional hints on the benefit to be derived by the extension of markets for the produce of labour will be very useful, but the Charter the six points,' with authentic information of Chartist movements, and the fluctuation of wages, must be the main topics of your new paper. If you

intend to get rid of O'Connor and the Northern Star, there is no other plan for your adoption."

No sooner said than done. Four thousand pounds were immediately promised to be at his disposal, and Mr. Place was authorized to take the management of the new Chartist organ, "The Sentinel."

The first point being settled, it became necessary that it should be introduced among the people, so as to make them believe that The Sentinel had no connexion whatever with the Leaguers. "Leave that to me," said Place, "I will arrange that matter."

In order to prevent the people from supposing that the Leaguers are connected with The Sentinel, a committee of management was appointed, said to be members of a Society which they call "The Reform Association," intended to be understood by the working classes in the country as "The Working-man's Association," which has been established many years in London. This, it is expected, will decoy the unwary. These committee-men are Leaguers, not working men.

The agent employed in Lancashire and Yorkshire to establish The Sentinel, is recognized by the Ten Hours Bill men as in connexion with Lord Ashley, whose conscience is quieted by an assurance from Mr. Place that he will write a few articles in The Sentinel in favour of the Ten Hours Bill! Thus auspiciously launched, The Sentinel is expected to be eagerly patronized by the masses, no one suspecting that the League has any connexion with it.

The agent is known to be opposed to the Leaguers, and very favourable to "the rights and protection of labour"; he, not being in the secret, may sincerely recommend The Sentinel as the best working man's paper. Great pains will be taken to persuade the masses that the Leaguers have nothing whatever to do with The Sentinel. It will, however, soon be discovered, that where they have influence, they will recommend that paper to their work-people. The plan is well laid-I shall, however, be surprised if it succeed.

In all the consultations with the Leaguers, Mr. Place seriously believed himself to be acting the part of a friend of the working classes. He is persuaded that Free Trade, and the destruction of our monarchical government, and the institutions founded upon it, are the only means of benefiting the producers of all wealth. He knows how strong the prejudices of the masses are in favour of the protective system and of our Christian and Constitutional institutions, and he therefore fancies that he is justified in adopting such measures to overcome, by degrees, the foolish prejudices (as he conceives them to be) of the working classes, and leading them to adopt such views as he conceives are essentially necessary for their own interest.

The agent of The Sentinel is now in the North engaged in his mission. He is well-appointed, having a good salary, unlimited power, plenty of money for necessary operations, with orders from the committee (who are never to be styled Leaguers) to adopt every plan and pursue every course he thinks most likely to promote the circulation of The Sentinel. Expence is not to be consideredSuccess must, if possible, be secured.

The object of the proprietors of The Sentinel being to catch the ear of the

masses, for the purpose of eventually securing their influence for the Leaguers, its arguments must be directed to chime in with the prejudices of the former. It will stoutly maintain the six points of "the Charter," take a great interest in the promulgation of the different rates of wages, sometimes venturing to attribute their fall to the want of more Free Trade-it will evince much sympathy for the toiling millions, find fault with some of the workings of the New Poor Law, and now and then contain an article from Mr. Place himself in favour of a Ten Hours Factory Bill. All those points will, however, be so managed as eventually to establish the necessity of Free Trade, and a more Liberal Ministry, as a stepping-stone for further changes in our institutions.

Thus do the Leaguers hope to gain the favour of the masses, extinguish the Northern Star, get rid of O'Connor, replace O'Connell, reinstate the Whigs, "annihilate the Aristocracy," scattering them (as O'Connell has it) like chaff before the wind, destroy the Church, and finally, abolish the existing form of Government!

Do not start-in private some of the Leaguers scruple not to avow such intentions.

Do you doubt? Ask your old friend, Mr. Francis Place-he is an uncompromising Republican;-ask him if I have not told the truth.

The anxiety of the Leaguers to obtain the sweet voices of the crowd, is perpetually oozing out. One of them asked a friend of mine, for how much money the hungry Spitalfields weavers could be hired to line the road all the way from Buckingham Palace to the House of Lords, when Her Majesty should go to open Parliament, the poor weavers being engaged to shout the whole time, from one end of the line to the other, " BREAD, BREAD, BREAD!" Other considerations rather than the expence prevented that indecent and hired attempt at revolution.

Why have I taken all this trouble? You will retort, as too many of your ignorant supporters, now arrogant and proud, nay, dizzy with the elevation of the Conservatives to office, are in the habit of doing, Why should we care for these things? let the Leaguers and the masses, aye, and their press too, do their worst, we are too "strong" to dread them-let O'Connell and O'Connor strive for the leadership of the masses, we have the wealth of the country in our hands, and care not for the influence of these men and their different factions.

If such be your reply, then your doom is fixed, and "TEKEL" is already written against you by that Hand which balances kingdoms.

It is not wise, it is not safe to "despise the day of small things." Granted, many of my readers will think these details unimportant, and wonder that I should have occupied so much space in their recital. Not so with you. The man lives not who is better acquainted with the importance of such facts than Sir James Graham. You know how powerful such tiny weapons are, being skilfully applied, when their springs are not known.

I am aware, that, in office, the Conservatives are wont to speak disparagingly of the press and the masses-nay, I know that one of the Cabinet has been heard to say of the latter, "public meetings are a farce;" and of the former, "I wish all the members of the press had but one head, that I might put my foot on their neck."