NOTICE OF THE FLEET PAPERS.

"The FLEET PAPERS.-I shall close this portion of my letter with a quotation from Mr. Oastler, who, in one of his admirable Fleet Papers. (No. 50, Dec. 10,) speaking of this most di sgusting specimen of unmanly tyranny, thus addresses Sir James Graham, the head gaoler of the Bastile in question:—

..

*

*

It would he impossible for me to add to the effect which must be conveyed by the above extract." -"Fact," in Lloyd's Illustrated London Newspaper, December 25, 1842.

(Extracted from the Times, December 15, 1842.)

"TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

"Sir.-Your well known sympathy for the oppressed poor induces me to think that you will lay before the world the following facts. I doubt not you earnestly wish the very numerous readers of The Times to be well acquainted with all the insufferable cruelties which have resulted from the odious New Poor Law.

There is at this moment, Sir, a sober, honest, hard-working man incarcerated in Hertford gaol, against whom nothing can be alleged but poverty-poverty clearly traceable to the starving policy of the parochial authorities. The case is this:-The poor man worked seven or eight weeks for the parish, and earned on the average about 8s. a week, which he received in provisions for the support of his wife and family. The week after he was called on for the poor-rate, which was 2s. Having as yet no money, he is absolutely unable to pay the rate. He is summoned to appear before the bench of magistrates at Hertford, a distance of seven miles from his home; next a distress warrant is issued; but the few goods the poor fellow has in his house are already another's, his landlord has claimed these for arrears of rent during the time he has been employed by the parish; there being now literally nothing but the person of the poor man, he is seized and incarcerated, to endure, I suppose, the tender treatment of the present prison discipline.

"The rigorous exaction of the rate for the relief of the poor in this parish is beyond all precedent. I know another industrious, well-deserving man, who, to avoid the same treatment with that above stated, is now half-starving his family by reducing his weekly earnings of 9s. to 8s. or 7s. in order to pay off by instalments the poor-rate, and expenses incurred through absolute inability to pay the rate. This man had been working for the parish for a longer period than the other. He could earn but 7s. a week, which he also took in provisions. The very first week he is engaged by another master, for 9s. a week, he is summoned to show cause why he refused to pay the rate for the relief of the poor.

Is not this adopting in toto the Egyptian oppressor's policy? Demanding money when money has been studiously withheld, what is it but reaping where one has not strawed?'

Should the names of the two sufferers be required, that of the first is Castle, the other Hulkes. 1 am fully prepared to prove what is here stated."

"I am, Sir, faithfully yours,

"Hatfield, Herts, December 14."

"RICHARD HIBBS, "Assistant-Curate of Hatfield."

The excuse offered for the New Poor Law was, that it would elevate the character and condition of the labourers. It is used to impoverish, disgrace, and crush them. With what grace can its promoters now defend that atrocious Act? We shall see.-R.O.

LETTER XLII.

THE PRACTICAL WORKING AND RESULTS OF FREE TRADE PRINCIPLES

To J. R. M CULLOCH, Esq.

CONSIDERED.

SIR,-How greatly must the mind of our country have become degraded, for such an argument as that which Dr. Bowring advanced in the British Parliament to be allowed to pass unanswered! A time was, that on such an attempt being made to palliate injustice, and to increase and perpetuate misery and destitution throughout the wide circle of the human family, some state-man of the first order, animated by a veneration for the noblest principles of the British Constitution, and by the exalting spirit of the Christian religion, would have been seen to take his stand in the foremost rank in the House of Commons, and, by an ardent exercise of pure and powerful eloquence, would have destroyed that tissue of mean and detestable sophistry by which an iniquitous system was attempted to be upheld. He would have showed, that such being the motives by which men were induced to act under the free system, and such being its results, that it was a system against which every humane, honourable, and just man was called upon to exert unmitigated hostility. No such effort, however, was made; and on this, as on other similar occasions, the men who held the highest places in the national counsels, instead of opposing, evinced an inclination to support this cruel and destructive policy.

And what a humiliating spectacle does England at this moment present! We see this cruel and licentious spirit-FREE-WILL-the vehicle of humau misery and destruction-elated by

success, erecting itself on all sides, and adopting every artifice for the purpose of acquiring increased dominion. On one occasion it will have recourse to the smile of affected benignity and to gentle persuasion; on another to boastful and proud defiance; on another to loud and fearawakening threat; so that whenever its voice is exerted, the weak are either won over or awed into obedience the good fear and are silent-while the congenial bad smile and rejoice at the success of their bold and powerful champion.

And now, with what disposition, and with what power, does England's Prime Minister meet this bold and domineering spirit? He is summoned to join its ranks, and to render full homage to its authority. He doubts, but he expresses admiration-be distrusts, but he confides-he fears, but he says he loves-he hates, but he unites--he would command, but he cringes and subserves. Other statesmen, of inferior rank, are seen to follow the ignoble example set them by a recreant leader. They become deserters of the cause of truth, the time-honoured banner of their country, and bend their necks to a base and soul-sacrificing alliance. Thus the legislatorial voice, and the administrative influence of England, are yielded up at the menacing summons of a mere bully; and the spirit of Free-Will, being triumphant, is now gloating over its success, and enlarging its appetite for more sacrifices. Truly may we say with the poet

"Age thou art sham'd;

Rome thou hast lost thy breed of noble blood."

I will now revert to my examination of the important matter contained in Dr. Bowring's speech. One chief feature in this exposition of the principles and results of free commerce, is, a full admission of evil, that is, there is an absence of all substantial allusion to those GOOD results which the free advocates are accustomed to give such abundant promise of, on occasions when they wish to persuade people into a belief and an adoption of their doctrines. Thus, with regard to the important case of the hand-loom weavers of Great Britain, whose number (families included) has been computed at upwards of 800,000, Dr. Bowring has given a very minute description of the intense suffering which these poor people have been compelled to endure by reason of a reduction of their wages; and he has assured them, that by the progress of mechanical invention and skill, their wages will infallibly sustain a still further reduction. The only escape from their sufferings which he has suggested to them, is that which is offered by a change of employment; but on advancing this suggestion, he takes especial care to avoid making any allusion to the reduction of wages which must ensue to the labourers in those other trades to which the hand-loom weavers may betake themselves. Such an influx of the supply of labour could not but be followed by most injurious results to those who have to sustain a competition with labourers so greatly distressed; for Dr. Bowring has himself admitted in this speech, that the more suffering there is among the weavers, the keener will be their competition for work." This short, but awfully important sentence, places in a conspicuous point of view the nature and tendency of the free system. The advocates of this system delight in competition-they call it the life and soul of trade; and it is here asserted, that the greater the suffering is, the greater will be the competition-that is, the greater the sufferings of the people become, the more fully will the designs of the Free Trade advocates be answeredthe more complete will be their satisfaction and delight. Melancholy as this conclusion is, yet it is the only one that can rationally be deduced from the premises which are admitted and enforced by Dr. Bowring and his associates. Notwithstanding that all this suffering and misery are apparent and admitted, yet the cry of the free advocate still is, give the people more competition, and then urge them into finding relief by means of new employments. This policy has been more and more adopted, but the promised relief has never come; and year after year has passed, and the condition of these distressed people has become worse, whilst others have been constantly added to their number.

Such is the state, and such are the facts, appertaining to those of the people of Great Britain who were alluded to by Dr. Bowring: and now, what are we called upon to contemplate with respect to those of the people of India who were subjected to the influence of similar policy? After adverting to the intense suffering which the poor Indian weavers were compelled to endure-a suffering so intense, that, as the description is, they were reduced to absolute starvation, numbers of them dying of hunger-Dr. Bowring proceeded to maintain, that there existed only ONE possible remedy, and that, a change of occupation; and he asserted, that those who were not starved to death, were transferred to other occupations, principally agricultural.

Here it is highly interesting and important to watch closely the manner in which such changes, fraught with so much evil to mankind, are effected. In the first place, then, we have it admitted, that the poor Indian weavers were reduced to the most horrid state of destitution, by reason of a falling off of demand for the commodity on which their labour was engaged. Now, it must have happened, in the nature of things, that when these people were in prosperous circumstances, they must have made a demand upon the growers of agricultural produce, that is, they must have purchased materials of food; but their trade or occupation being destroyed, they must have been compelled to leave off demanding that portion of agricultural produce which, before their misfortunes were inflicted on them, they were able to purchase. Thus it becomes evident, that the injury resulting from a falling off of demand could not have been confined to themselves, but must have been carried on also to the growers of those agricultural productions which the weavers were in the habit of requiring for their consumption. And yet notwithstanding injury was thus inflicted on the labourers in agriculture, the displaced and distressed hand-loom weavers were driven to seek maintenance by forcing their labour into competition with the labourers engaged in agriculture. Thus it is made clearly evident, that the poor distressed weavers are not only not placed in a position of safety, but are forced to become the instruments of their own further degradation, as well as the innocent cause of the utter destruction of those with whom they are driven to compete.

The very important feature of the case to which I have just alluded is recognized by the official document wherein the facts are detailed; for in the Report of the Governor General of India the language is The present suffering to numerous classes in India is scarcely to be paralleled in the history of commerce." Thus the words "numerous classes" convey the truth for which I have

contended; for by these words it is shown that the injury WAS extended far beyond the range of the hand-loom weavers themselves.

It is after such lamentable transactions as these are consummated, that we read accounts of periodical famines occurring in India, when the plains of that country may be seen strewed over with the bones of famished thousands of the people. Then it is found convenient for bad governors, unprincipled statesmen, ignorant writers, and wealth-worshipping merchants, to avert censure from themselves, by attributing these direful results to the uncertain and variable laws of nature.

Throughout the whole of the remarkable and appalling description of the working of Free Trade principles which I have now placed before you, no allusion is made to that point of argument on which you and all other Free Trade writers are wont to rely, and which, in fact, is the only essential feature of your argument-I mean the EQUIVALENT. I have before remarked, that on arguing, theoretically, the great question of the progressive increase of the power of nations, it is customary for writers and advocates on the side of the free principle to maintain, that whatever changes are effected in commerce by reason of greater freedom or expansion being permitted, that these changes carry with them a compensating power, which is distributed to all whose labour may be displaced or injured, that is, they maintain, that the changes themselves bear healing on their wings. Now, in the sketch which I have quoted and commented on, no such compensation is alluded to; and when we look at the facts described, as they appertain to the case either of Great Britain or of India, the result admitted is-injury-as Dr. Bowring has said-the national good cannot be purchased excepting at the expense of individual evil. Thus a formidable imputation, of a personal nature, lies against the Free Trade advocates, which is, that they not only deceive the people, but that they deceive them knowingly-the healing which they promise being that healing only which is borne upon the wings of misery, starvation, and death.

Of such materials as those which I have adverted to in this and my two preceding letters, it is, that the creed of modern civilizers is composed. With this creed in hand they advance on their devastating march. On the front of their banner is inscribed-Peace-Industry-CompetitionArt-Science-Useful Knowledge-Universal Brotherhood-Plenty-The Greatest Happiness to the Greatest Number. Whilst behind it is written-Industrial Warfare-Competition-Commercial Strife-Universal Contention-Elevation of the Strong-Prostration of the Weak-Desolation-Woe-Famine-National Good by Individual Evil.

By the aid of history, and a knowledge of the depravity of the human heart, we learn, that such has been the practice of mankind in all ages of the world; but it has been left for the people of the present age to see an attempt made to embody this mass of accumulated deceit and evil in a code of social laws. And with how much clever subtlety is the human philosophy advanced! Here is its insinuating precept :-"The greatest happiness to the greatest number." We look anxiously to see what this means in practice. We find it means as follows:-One individual ascertains, that by a clever use of his faculties, he can increase his own physical enjoyments very considerablyvery considerably. But then his doing so will diminish the enjoyment of another individual, and this, at first, is somewhat startling. Soon, however, all scruples on this head are allayed by the subtle consideration, that the happiness which is added to the first man far exceeds in amount the happiness which is withdrawn form the second, so that the balance of happiness in the community is inferred to be in favour of the change; and the power thus acquired is made instrumental in carrying on the process, until at length one individual is enabled to appropriate to himself the enjoyments which it is the right of thousands to possess; and it is by this means that the greatest happiness principle is worked out. I know it will be said, that Bentham and his followers never intended any such interpretation to be put upon their doctrine. I fully believe they did not. But we have not now to deal with Bentham's intentions, we have to deal with solid matter-of-fact; and the interpretation which I have advanced is the true and only interpretation. It stands recorded before us in unmistakable characters; for we have it in precept, and unhappily, we have it also in the practice of individuals and nations; and I have proved to you by Dr. Bowring's argument, that this practice is coolly and designedly advocated.

And so it must ever be, when we choose to reject Divinity for the sake of relying on Humanity. The evils which arise are not attributable alone to the Utilitarian creed, for they prevail alike in all the varied creeds of secular, or self-worshipping religionists. Let us, if only for a moment, look at and weigh the difference there is between the divine and human codes of philosophy. God himself has declared, that in His great universal law, no evil whatever has place. Thus our Lord built up the whole code of social morality upon the beautiful law of Love, declaring this law to be all-comprehensive; and St. Paul has expressed admirably the unlimited influence of this law by the following sentence:-" Love worketh NO ILL to his neighbour-therefore-love is the fulfilling of the law." Now, here we have two all-important propositions advanced-the first is, that the law of God is fulfilled, or practice rendered perfect, by acting in conformity with love; and then the same view is confirmed, by its being maintained, that love worketh NO ILL to his neighbour; and thus by the two modes of arguing, the affirmative and the negative, all injustice or evil is excluded. How dissimilar this is from the wretched code of Utilitarian Philosophy which I have just had the pain of examining, where injury to our neighbour, or the introduction of evil, has been expressly admitted and strongly contended for. I know that the view of the question, and the strict application of the great Christian law to all human practice, to which I have here alluded, are calculated to elicit indignant objections from all sects and parties of men, and to raise up against them the manytoned voices of all the builders of the modern Babel. Nevertheless, that to which I have adverted is simple, true, and strictly applicable, so that not a tittle of it can either be diminished, altered, or evaded. In the succeeding course of my investigations, I shall necessarily be called upon to allude again to these high and deeply-interesting subjects.

No. 16, Doughty Street, January 16, 1813.

I remain, Sir, your obedient servant,
WILLIAM ATKINSON.

Printed by Vincent Torras & Co., 7, Palace Row, New Road, London.

THE

FLEET PAPERS.

NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS.

C. G., Cavendish Square.-True enough, Sir James Graham may put on a face of brass, when talking about “Öastler and his Fleeters," as he does in the House of Commons, when he is eating his own words." But, "facts are stubborn things." Let Sir James explain, why, if he does not care for Mr. Oastler, why he is so anxious to put down the Fleet Papers. His hangers-on, his flatterers, the expectants of his favours, have, sure enough, frightened Mr. Ollivier, and forced him to withdraw from the publication, but Mr. Cleaver is made of sterner stuff. When one of Sir James's friends expressed his astonishment that Mr. Cleaver would have his name to the Fleet Papers, he replied, "They are sound, Sir."—"Are they? I wish it may prove so," said the Home Secretary's friend.—" Yes, Sir, I have the authority of several most distinguished individuals on that point," rejoined Cleaver.- No, noCleaver is of the right true Old English school. He is not to be frightened even by a Conservative. AN OLD TORY, Huddersfield, says, "Doubtless, Mr. Oastler, you are pleased to see any friend from Huddersfield; it must be gratifying to your feelings to find yourself remembered among those with whom and for whom you have so often combatted the enemies of humanity, freedom, and truth. That the institutions of the country are in the most perilous situation, is evident to the commonest observer. Our great land-holders, the aristocracy, the bold English yeomen, are, I fear, lulling themselves in a faucied security; foolishly confiding in their position, are deriding the attacks of the Leaguers, who are vigilant, assiduous, and persevering. Their object is no longer a coverted one-it is open, palpable, avowed, to overthrow the aristocracy; and with that every other of our institutions arising out of, or formed upon the basis of the three estates, must inevitably sink. But can the Leaguers ever flourish on their ruins? Must they not themselves be crushed in the common ruin? Week after week we see in the papers accounts of the continual reduction of the workman's wages. This, as I have often said, is the root of all the evil. The poor, deprived of the means of existing, must, of course, curtail the business of the retail and wholesale dealers—the importer and the merchant. Peel's Tariff will afford them no relief. Let provisions be as abundant and as cheap as they may, of what service is it to the starving operative, who has not the wages to purchase them? As to the American beef and pork, of the cheapness of which so much has been said, we have had some specimens of it here. The beef resembled satted mahogany-the pork looked rather better. I inade a trial of it, at 3d. per pound; soaked it 24 hours; and when boiled, it was reduced to less than half its original size and weight; and as to eating the residue, that was out of all question. I might as well have eaten one of my own deal-boards.* What will Peel do next for a budget? The deficiency in the revenue is most appalling. What new expedient will he devise? Something, I presume, to increase our foreign trade, while our best customers at home will be neglected. England, who has lent her money to all the world, will, I fear, be compelled to go begging for a loan. Yes, you are right, the aristocracy are ‘mesmerized,' while their enemies, like serpents, are insidiously twining round them, preparing to strike the blow that must‘annihilate them. We stand on the brink of a most fearful precipice. England, like Rome, has reached the acme of her glory, and must, like Rome, now descend from her elevation, and become the outcast of the nations. Sunk, like Rome, in ease and luxury-the people groaning-the laws, ill as many of them are, all ill-administered -her religion neglected by its professors, assailed, derided, and scoffed at by its enemies!— the result may be foreseen: she must fall; and, oh! my friend, how dreadful will that fall be! I do think the vials of God's wrath are being poured out upon us-and who shall withstand the arm of the Almighty?-Let you and me, and others of our own principles, stand fast by the Bible-by The Allar, the Throne, and the Cottage,' and we shall be safe amid universal confusion."

The foreigners will soon learn to suit the English taste.-R.O.

TO THE PUBLIC.

The Fleet Papers are published every SATURDAY, in Numbers, at 2d. each; also in Parts, containing four Weekly Numbers, with Ornamental Covers, at 9d. each.

Title pages of 1st and 2nd vols. of the FLEET PAPERS may be had, gratis, of the Publishers. A few copies of 1st and 2nd vols. may be had of Mr. Oastler, at 10s. each volume.

A FEW BACK NUMBERS ON HAND.

TO MR. WILLIAM NORTON, FANCY MANUFACTURER, FINNEY BRIDGE, LEPTON, NEAR HUDDERSFIELD.

SIR,-Were I to remain silent upon the present occasion, and let your statements go uncontradicted, I should admit myself to be entitled to the unenviable appellation of either fool or rogue; and if I mistake not, the following explanation will convince you so. I spent several days within a mile of your own door, at the time when the Hand-loom Weavers' Commission' was issued to ascertain the general condition of the weavers, and particularly the rate of wages they received. (Although my evidence amongst many others, and Mr. Oastler's in particular, was entirely burked,' for reasons best known to the Commissioners, still their reasons for neglecting to make an impartial report is well known to some who are not Commissioners.) I was not partial in my selection of evidence, like the Commissioners, but went from door to door; and when I had finished my labours, I added all the sums received for wages together, and then divided the sum equally amongst the number of weavers that had been employed in earning it, and it did not amount to one-quarter of the sum per day which you say your Lancashire weavers can earn. I hope you will be very particular to bear in mind, that I proved, in my last letter to you, that the weavers of Messrs. Jacob Wood & Co., the firm to which you belong, were receiving considerably less wages than the weavers employed by the other manufacturer; and I have now brought evidence to prove the average or rate of wages obtained by other weayers, who receive higher wages than yours, and still their earnings do not amount to one-quarter of the sum you say your weavers can earn; and to oppose such a combination' of circumstances, to oppose this incontrovertible union of truth, we have the bare, solitary, doubtful, questionable, and unsupported testimony of yourself; and your assertions actually make you declare in substance that your weavers receive three times more wages than the rest of weavers, although I have proved they are receiving less by 20 or 30, and in some cases nearly 100 per cent. How you will attempt to divert public attention, while you extricate yourself out of this extraordinary dilemma, I cannot tell; for if you admit my statements to be true, and you know they are, then you must prove you are paying higher wages than any one else, and also less wages than any one else, before you can justify yourself in the assertions you

made.

I shall now, according to promise, turn my attention to the following observation, which yon made to Mr. Oastler. You said, you had a large number of weavers in Lancashire, who could earn 45. 8d. per day,

Now, Sir, as I do not believe one word of the above, it is but just and reasonable that I should state to you the ground of my objections, and give both you and the public an opportunity of judging what importance ought to be placed upon your opinions. I have been several times in the building occupied by your weavers at Bolton, in Lancashire, since you converted it from an ironfoundry into a weaving-shop. I am also personally acquainted with some of the weavers themselves; but I am sorry to say, I am not acquainted with any of those who can earn 4s. 8d. per day; but I am acquainted with some of them, and so are you also, who have not earned more than 4s. 8d. per week, and they were considered the best of your workmen too.

Before I proceed to prove my assertion, allow me to inform the reader, that in consequence of your giving only 10d. per dozen for 400 Jacquards, your weavers refused to work them at so unprecedented a low price; you immediately had them apprehended by warrant, and taken before the Bolton Mayor and Magistrates, for neglect of work'; and according to the Bolton Free Press, which contains a report of the trial, your conduct was exhibited in its true colours. Read the following as an example of the rest:

· The weavers had been allured and trapped by Alexander Ashenhurst, Messrs. Norton & Co.'s agent. He had told them they could earn 20s. per week regular, and he acknowledged, at the trial, that the first man they took the warrant out against had only earned 17s. 6d. in the three weeks, out of which he had to pay for his winding, and still he was considered such a good workman that they took a warrant out against him to compel him to go again. Mr. Grundy, the weavers' attorney, told the Mayor and Magistrates, that Messrs. Jacob Wood & Co. were only giving 10d. in Lancashire, while the Yorkshire manufacturers were giving 18d, for the same quantity of labour. The cat was let out of the bag,' and the Magistrates dismissed the cases, considering the weavers were justifiable in leaving the employment of such characters.'

Now I shall take it for granted that the above statement is correct. It was given in evidence, proved by your own books, and admitted by your own manager, and never contradicted by any one, although you were present yourself, taking a very active part in the proceedings before the Magistrates. This is rather an awkward fact, Mr. Norton, when placed by the side of your swaggering bravado and vain declaration that your Lancashire weavers could earn 4s. 8d. per day.

This case is sufficient for me, and more than sufficient for you; for it proves, beyond dispute, that one of your best and most industrious workmen (for you wanted him to continue in your employment) could only earn 17s. 6d. in three weeks, with long hours of labour. The winding would amount to 1s. 11d., the shop-rent' to Is. 6d., and then it would only leave the unprotected, famishing, half-clad hand-loom weaver 14s. Old, for his three weeks' hard labour, which would be short of 4s. 84d. per week to maintain himself and family upon when in full employment-producing a fine fabric to decorate the backs of the aristocracy.

Nothing but entering into detail can upset the subterfuge and fallacies that you have made use of to Mr. Oastler, and I am only afraid of being too tedious to the readers of the Fleet Papers; but in justice to us, they ought to consider, that there are at least 800,000 hand weavers in this country; and if such statements as yours go uncontradicted, they might create an unfavourable impression upon the minds of our rulers, and they might deny us a redress of our grievances, by saying we are in a comfortable and very prosperous situation. But to convince them that such is not the case, is the desire of