that he would have been deeply vexed at having selected such a man as the executor of the design he meditated. The word-impossible-would convey a very unprofessional or unmilitary meaning to his mind; and on withdrawing his confidence from this officer, he would have felt inclined to tell him, that in becoming a soldier he had woefully mistaken his vocation. The noble and spirit-stirring scene, so beautifully represented by Shakspeare as preceding the famous battle of Agincourt, would have presented itself to the mind of the Duke. On that celebrated occasion, Westmorland was so oppressed by a sense of the difficulty and danger in which the cause of England was placed, that he gave utterance to the idle wish that they had with them that day ten thousand of the men whe were doing no work in England. Upon hearing this, the young King Henry exclaimed"What's he, that wishes so?

My cousin Westmorland ?—No, my fair cousin:
If we are mark'd to die, we are enough

To do our country loss; and if to live,

The fewer men, the greater share of honour.

God's will! I pray thee, wish not one man more.

By Jove, I am not covetous for gold;

Nor care I who doth feed upon my cost;

It yearns me not, if men my garments wear;
Such outward things dwell not in my desires:
But, if it be a sin to covet honour,

I am the most offending soul alive.

No. 'faith, my coz, wish not a man from England:
God's peace! I would not lose so great an honour,
As one man more, methinks, would share from me,
For the best hope I have. O. do not wish one more:
Rather proclaim it, Westmorland, through my host,
That he which hath no stomach to this fight,

Let him depart; his passport shall be made,
And crowns for convoy put into his purse:
We would not die in that man's company,
Who fears his fellowship to die with us.

Mere, notwithstanding a flood of opposing difficulties, a noble instance is exhibited of pursuing the career of duty and honour with undismayed spirit. How different is this spirit from that which is manifested in these times by those of our public men who engage in the great legislatorial condict. As in the instance of Sir John Hanmer, so it is a common spectacle to see men-and those too of the highest rank and authority-express a belief in one principle, and then give their sanction to another of an opposite character; thus adopting the false and pusillanimous course of "letting I dare not, wait upon I would." To such an extent has this abandonment of truth and honour been carried, that, to the deep shame, degradation, and loss of our country, it may now be called the prevailing policy of Britain, for it is by this spirit that we have been, during a long time, guided.

That the course thus adopted is false and injurious, is often admitted even by its advocates, who attempt a palliation of it by means of this question,-What can we do? We must act, they exclaim, with the spirit of the age; it would be useless, impossible, and even an evidence of madness, to attempt to oppose the will of a majority of the nation. When men who are legislators thus feel and thus argue, it is evident they have mistaken their vocation. What offices of human life such men are fitted to adorn, it is very difficult to say; but I will undertake to declare what office they are not fitted to adorn, and that is the office of a member of the legislature. Let us suppose that all members were to adopt the pusillanimous course-and if it be allowed to one, it might, by the same rule, be allowed to all--of relinquishing the truth of questions under the pretext that it was impossible to be practised, and it would follow, that the advocates of falsehood and evil would be left in undisturbed possession of the field, and thus we might have no truth or justice at all; and this merely because, as the young, gallant, and generous King Henry expressed it, the chosen champions have no stomach to the fight."

No, Sir! such is not the method by which public opinion is to be acted upon, changed, and brought to unite for a good purpose. You know how this great work is to be accomplished. It is aided mainly by leaders resolving to pursue boldly and consistently, both by act and argument, a course of public and private duty, and thus setting a good example to the multitudinous hosts who are to follow them I have commented much on this point, because it is vain to expect any good result from the consideration of the question on which I am now engaged, if our legislators and the people persist in entertaining the idea that we may, with benefit or with safety, sacrifice the teath of any question.

Before the mind of any individual can be in a fit state to receive and support such a true and wholesome course of policy as shall constitute a REMEDY for the distress of his country, the Boxious notion which I have exposed in this letter, and which so greatly prevails, must be wholly Jaid aside. Instead of encouraging their imaginations to wander so far abroad as the Satellites of Jupiter, or even our own antipodes, the attention of our countrymen must be directed to the clear nderstanding of marers of fact which are close at home. There must be a recognition of hometruths, and a determination to perform home-duties; yes, even though amongst them there should be that disagreeable and terrifying one of administering a check to the abuses of machinery. I remain, Sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM ATKINSON.

No. 16, Doughty Street, April 24, 1843.

Printed by Vincent Torras & Co., 7, Palace Row, New Road, London.

THE

FLEET PAPERS.

THESE Papers are principally intended for the perusal of the friends of Christianity and the Constitution; particularly the Clergy and the Aristocracy, and of all persons who are possessed of Property. The object of the writer will be to explain the reason for the present alarming state of English society, and the consequent insecurity of life and property; also to offer some remarks upon the folly and wickedness of attempting to uphold our Institutions, particularly that of Private Property, by the unconstitutional means of Centralization, Commissioning, Espionage, and Force; finally, to state his own views on the best mode of restoring Peace, Contentment, Security, and Prosperity, to every rank of the people of England.

The author is perfectly aware of the fact, that every Parliamentary leader is now only attempting to legislate for the present moment-putting off the evil day -making laws "from hand to mouth," in the hope that some unforeseen, fortunate event may enable succeeding Statesmen to legislate for permanency. He is also convinced that there is a mode of successfully re-establishing our Institutions upon their original foundation-Christianity;-and that that is the only way to preserve them from the encroachments of political partisans, who are now paving the way to universal Ruin, Anarchy, and Despotism.

NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS.

Mr. OASTLER begs to remind his friends, that ON MONDAY he is always occupied in writing; so that on that day HE IS NOT AT HOME."

A SUNDAY SCHOOL TEACHER, St. Mark's. Leeds, wishes Mr. OASTLER to allow "a penny subscription paper to lie on his table, towards purchasing a set of Bibles for the use of the children," adding, “for want of funds the School is in a low state as regards books."

Why does not the clergyman apply to the Leeds Auxiliary Bible Society, or to the Leeds Bible Association? Those Societies have sent thousands upon thousands of pounds for the use of foreigners-they were established for the express purpose of supplying the poor of Leeds first. It is robbery of the worst kind to collect money under the pretence of purchasing Bibles for one's own poor, and then, for the ostentatious motive of figuring away in the Parent Society's list of subscriptions, to leave our own poor to beg for Bibles of prisoners -of debtors, after having sent the subscriptions, which were obtained under false pretences, to London, to the Parent Society, for the use of foreigners.

THE BIBLE teaches no such immorality. Well may Leeds be distressed. Mr. OASTLER could say much on this subject. Let this suffice.

M. O., Slough.-In JOHNSON's case, the intrusion, not the infliction, is the "indelicate" part of

the business.

THE

FLEET

PAPERS

are regularly published every SATURDAY, at 2d. each; also every four weeks, in Parts, containing four Numbers, at 9d. each.

A few copies, bound in cotton, of Vols. 1 and 2 of the Fleet Papers, at 10s. each volume, may be had of the Publishers, or of Mr. Oastler, at the Queen's Prison.

JOHN PAVEY, 47, HOLYWELL STREET, STRAND.

NOTICES OF THE FLEET PAPERS.

"The FLEET PAPERS.-A wORD OF WARNING.-Oastler, in his Fleeters last Saturday, gives, with great prominence, the following startling sentences:

"I will caution the starving millions. Agents are now at work striving to get up another outbreak. Do NOT LISTEN TO THEIR SUGGESTIONS. THERE IS DEATH IN THE POT.'

We have made some anxious inquiries as to the truth of this; and find that, as usual, Mг. Oastler, though he is immured in a prison, has contrived to anticipate those who have the personal advantage of the freedom of the press. Another outbreak is talked about; and there is much suspicious activity, in country places especially. An authority on which we can rely, but which (for obvious reasons) must remain anonymous, writes as follows:

There was a meeting on Monday morning somewhere as early as five o'clock. Several resolutions were passed. The only one I could get hold of is to the effect that another turn-out is projected, but no tapping of boilers.'

The latter part of this communication we withhold. But we have thought it our duty to give due prominence to this warning; not only that the authorities may be put upon their guard, but that the working classes may also be warned from following those leaders who in the last ontbreak deserted them, and are even yet quarrelling with and becoming spies upon each other.”—Halifax Guardian. March 11, 1843.

The FLEET PAPERS.-We abridge the following statement from Mr. Oasiler's Fleet Papers of Saturday. It will remind our readers of the case of Nelson hunted into his ship by bailiffs, and the Duke of Wellington imprisoned in his tent by duns, both for debts really due by the country. There is certainly something wrong in a system which thus renders a people of unrivalled kind-heartedness and munificence in their private character so harshly, that we might not say so basely, ungrateful in the collective capacity:

*

"Our own opinion is, that the lowest estimate of Sir Joseph Douglas's services would be the total cost of a frigate hired from England to China, detained there during the period that Sir Joseph was detained, and brought back to England. This service the country ought to have had without the help of the gallant seaman, but for the fault of the government; and this service the country actually had by Sir Joseph's valour, presence of mind, skill, and self-devotion. Ought hot the country to pay at least as much to such a volunteer as it would have paid to its hired servants, had its interests been protected? The estimate which we suggest is that to which frugal honesty' could not object. What a great and wealthy nation like Great Britain ought to pay is another matter; that the nation itself must determine; but we hope that there will be no proposition of throwing the hero upon a private subscription for his reward. He is entitled to claim a debt, and he must not be committed to the degradation of taking gifts, even if the public had the right, which it has not, to hand over its creditors to the charitable and humane.'"-The Standard, March 24, 1843.

The FLEET PAPERS.-NATIONAL GRATITUDE.-The following heart-thrilling, yet brief detail, forms part of the subject of Mr. Oastler's letter to Sir James Graham, in the Fleet Papers of the 25th inst. In it we have a history of the commencement of the war with China, and the reward that has crowned the efforts of a brave and zealous defender of his country's honour. 'Oh, hame-where is thy blush':- a "-Lloyd's Weekly London Newspaper,

March 26, 1843.

The FLEET PAPERS.-We should imagine that since the introduction of Sir James Graham to political life, he has never, even in the fiercest moments of the antagonism to which he has been subjected, met with a teaser so determined and unmerciful as his present correspondent Mr. Oastler. There are many unpleasant situations in which a publie man may occasionally find himself; but to live under the infliction of a lash so justly merited and so unsparingly administered. must be a condition to which the occupation of one of the Right Hon. Gaoler's own cells would be a preferable alternative. Mr. Oastler, in his Fleet Papers of this week, addressed the Home Secretary upon a very grave subject, thus:"-Lloyd's Weekly London Newspaper, April 2, 1813.

ENGLAND UNDER THE SCOURGE OF PHILOSOPHY.

(Extracted from the Times, April 1, 1843.)

"SHARP PRACTICE.-At the Thame Petty Sessions on Tuesday, John Nelmes, who stated he was 68 years old, was charged with having, on the 4th of March, damaged a dead fence to the amount of three halfpence, the property of Mrs. King, of North Weston. A witness said he saw Nelines pull the sticks from the fence, and carry them away under his arm. Nelmes pro tested to the Bench his innocence of pulling a stick: he certainly picked them up`-` he was never summoned or before their worships before in his life, and was now at their mercy.' The complainant acknowledged he had never seen Nelmes pulling the fence before.

"The Bench sentenced the poor old man to pay damages three halfpence, and costs BLEVEN SHILLINGS! Nelmes said he had no money-be had no labour-he had had but one day's work since Christmas.' He was then committed to Oxford gaol for seven days' imprisonment!'

"MR. BUSFEILD FERRAND, M.P. AND THE WORKING CLASSES. "A meeting of the friends of Wm. Busfeild Ferrand, Esq., M.P. for Knaresborough, was held at the house of Mr. John Wade, the New Inn, Bradford, on Tuesday evening last, Mr. Squire Auty in the Chair, when the following resolution was carried unanimously, viz. :-That the thanks

of this meeting are due and hereby given to that champion of the working classes, Wm. Busfeild Ferrand, Esq., M.P., for his bold, unflinching, and persevering conduct, in successfully opposing the introduction of tread-mills into the accursed union bastiles, and thereby frustrating the wicked designs of the three despotic Kings' of Somerset House, and their master, (or servant,) Sir James Graham, and likewise for exposing to the world through the British House of Commons in full glare, the Addingham factory case, with all its horrors and cruelties, in connection with the New Poor Law; and hopes he will still continue to be the true friend of the working classes, in the face of all their foes, whether from the Government, manufacturer, or any other source whatever; and this meeting pledges itself, that they will to the utmost of their abilities, rally round and support him by every constitutional means that lay in their power."-Leeds Intelligencer.

LETTER LVI.

REMEDIAL ARGUMENT CONTINUED.

To J. R. M'CULLOCH, Esq.

SIR,-The number and variety of schemes which are proposed as infallible remedies for national poverty and distress, afford scope for much instructive observation. To remark the bold and authoritative tone with which these schemes are advanced to the public, and the pertinaciousness with which they are supported, would be productive of much diversion, were it not that the subjects themselves are of a character so important and serious, as that all light or trivial consideration of them is a course which cannot be indulged in without great blame attaching.

If we were to judge by the manner in which these schemes are propounded to the world by their inventors, we should conclude that assurance exists in the human mind in an inverse ratio with knowledge. When the mind of the projector possesses talent, learning, and reflection, united with considerable experience of the subject treated of, all these valuable qualities being aided and strengthened by persevering research, we usually discern cautious reasoning, deductions qualified wherever necessary, and conclusions modestly and carefully, though firmly advanced; so that the reader is able to estimate, with tolerable accuracy, the degree of truth to which the thoughts and suggestions of the promoter have a claim:-but, on the other hand, when talent, learning, reflection, research, and sagacity, founded on experience, are all absent, so that these plans are supplied by mere hollow ideas, begot and nourished by conceit or some impulse still worse, every feature being decorated and made to appear alluring by a multiplicity of high-sounding words, then we may observe that no caution with respect to conclusions is allowed to prevail, and self-confidence reigns in its complete character.

A remarkable instance was brought under my observation some time ago. A gentleman sent me a small work which he had published on one branch of Political Economy, embracing a question of the greatest magnitude. On examining the work, I soon discovered that the writer had drawn his conclusions without having even attempted to advance any solid or correct premises.

I wrote him a note, thanking him for his attention in sending me a copy of his work, and I took the opportunity of expressing a hope that he would lead his mind to a consideration of the FIRST principles of the science of Political Economy, as I knew that the work chiefly wanted amongst us was a work wherein the RUDIMENTS of the science should be accurately and fully laid down, for, as yet, the public mind had no such work whereon to rest. The author of the pamphlet replied to me in answer, that his mind had long been directed to the point mentioned by me, but the difficulty in accomplishing the object was the impossibility he had experienced of discovering ANY GENERAL PRINCIPLE.

Now, Sir, here we have a specimen, fraught with valuable warning, of the degree of mental inefficiency with which economics are commonly treated in this age. The writer had evinced no hesitation in adopting a great practical conclusion—a couclusion, the tendency of which was to affect, most materially, the condition of all his fellow countrymen, and he maintained this conclusion most confidently and dogmatically; and yet when the probing instrument was applied to his mind, for the purpose of ascertaining the nature of the materials of which this mind of his was composed, it was then proved that where there ought to exist the most substantial matter and the greatest strength, in that very part there was vacuity. Thus, whilst the writer himself was transmitting, upholding, and strongly recommending for public adoption a particular and extensive plan of action, he was conscious that he had made so little progress in attaining a knowledge of his subject, that he had not been able to discover any general principle—this general principle being the only light by means of which he could arrive at any correct conclusion whatever.

If the projectors of all our suggested and adopted state remedies were subjected to the same kind of examination as that to which I have just alluded, the greater number of them would be found to be in a similar destitute condition as to title, or the possession of those qualifications necessary to constitute them teachers. We hear of joint-stock associations, and co-operative communities, some based on one plan of action, some on another, the projectors of all of them being wholly unable to comprehend that the entire community, or nation, is NOW one vast joint-stock or co-operating community; and hence, that the only proper and wise course, conducing to a good result, is that of adopting the RIGHT principle of co-operation amongst ourselves as we are now placed, each person consenting to keep his existing position, and fulfilling THE DUTY incumbent on him by being in that position. Herein consists the great point of all national economy, namely, the recognition and strict fulfilment of DUTIES by EVERY individual. If this point is not perceived and fully conceded, with a view to its practical application, all attempt to improve the state of the nation is idle and useless. The effecting a separation from the general body, and thus invading and breaking the unity of action, and disturbing, still more, the great bond of union, or source of general prosperity, which consists of the aggregate property or capital of the country,

the VITAL principle of which is DEMAND or continued exchange, is not of the nature of a remedy, but the reverse. Such a course of action constitutes a continuation, and an aggravation, of existing disorder; for these changes cannot be effected without the persons who engage in them relinquishing their demand for the commodities which, theretofore, they had been accustomed to demand or consume, the commodities having been produced for the express purpose of their consumption. It is this great and perpetual infraction of the law of demand that has brought on the appalling amount of evil of which we complain, and beneath the burden of which we groan. Such, I maintain, is the true character of those new plans of social organization to which I have alluded. The course they involve is interdicted and condemned as strongly by moral obligation, as it is by physical law; and yet all the mischief and evil with which they are pregnant, are overlooked by our separate-community advocates, who would like that the people should receive their hallucinations with that respect and reverence which are due alone to good sense and sound judgment.

Of the numerous plans that are proposed for the purpose of administering correction and relief to national disorganization and distress, that of emigration, on a plan of colonization, occupies a prominent position; and, certainly, no scheme presents to the minds of casual or superficial observers more of those features which seem to hold out promises of good results. But, I maintain, that the whole matter, if viewed in the light of a remedy, is a delusion, and a delusion too of a most mischievous character. Colonization, to be effected properly and advantageously, as regards the interests both of the persons who quit the parent stock and of those who remain with it, should be effected at a period when the country is in the enjoyment of prosperous and flourishing circumstances, but not at a period of suffering and adversity. When the commercial state of a nation has been so well managed or adjusted as that GOOD GENERAL PROFIT has been accruing during a considerable length of time, then the capital of the community will have received a great increase in its aggregate amount; and if the same wise policy he persevered in, this good rate of addition will be still going on. The constant increase of capital warrants, or indeed calls for, an adequate increase to be made in the territorial field of its operation. Colonization, when effected under such circumstances, will be accomplished by the overflowing of the capital of the country. By this means, the wealth formed in the parent country is extended over the surface of another country; and if the plan be judiciously arranged, and the proper degree of it observed, the circumstances of the parent country will remain undisturbed or uninjured, whilst the overflow will constitute a power by which NEW DEMAND or fresh commerce will be created; and thus the whole scheme will prove beneficial. So that, in fact, whether we apply the reasoning to a portion of territory near home, that is, to one of our own counties, or whether it be applied to a district of the world however distant from home, the thing signified is precisely the same. The territory is the dormant or quiescent matter, ready to receive and to answer the labour of man; but the CAPITAL enabling man to work upon these dormant materials, and so to fashion them as to bring them to the shape of marketable productions, is required to PRECEDE or to be held BEFOREHAND. The question under consideration is precisely of the character of that of an individual who is engaged in trade. His capital of 10.0007. enables him to effect commercial exchanges or trade up to that amount. The increase which he makes to this amount is called profit. He adds his profit to his capital, and with this increase of capital he increases his trade; and so as he goes on increasing his capital in this proportion does he go on increasing his trade. The capital, or the power, must precede the increase or extension. It will be evident, therefore, that extension can be the result only of a PROSPEROUS state of circumstances; and that the attempt to effect extension during an adverse state must issue in making that adverse state still more adverse.

A notion prevails extensively, that capital does really exist amongst us in EXCESS; and this notion was advanced with an air of plausibility in the discussion on Mr. C. Baller's late motion in the House of Commons, on the subject of Colonization. Such a notion, however, has not, I maintain, any foundation in truth. It derives its origin from the difficulty that exists in finding GOOD or PROFITABLE employment for capital. This had feature must always spring up where derangements are made in the commerce of a country, by means of great or new competition being induced. Thus, when two countries, whose capitals have been kept separate by the instrumentality of restrictive and fiscal regulations, mutually agree on the abolition of these regulations, so that the capitals are permitted to compete or conflict with each other, some productions of the one country are soon brought to supplant productions of the other. This new course of commerce causes displacement and derangement of capital. for supply, as compared with demand, is excessive; and then the owners of the injured capital are necessitated to submit to a loss in the first place, and, in the next, to seek some other more beneficial employment; and so are driven to compete with their countrymen for a share of the profit which accrues from other productions, thus communicating and extending the evil. By all this contest for profit, an appearance is induced of excessive capital, but, in truth, it is just the reverse, for the field of the employment of capital has been contracted by new comers having occupied a part of it by means of foreign capital. If those persons who are engaged on the consideration of this great subject, with a view of finding a remedy, were to direct their attention to a more close investigation of the PRINCIPLE of all commerce, they would be led from entertaining the conclusion to which I have alluded. They would discern that a community cannot have, at the same moment, excessive capital and want of employment-a plethora of wealth and a pressure of poverty. When, however, I reflect on the load of error that has to be removed from the national mind, and the quantity of knowledge that has to be acquired, it becomes evident to me, that, even if we should incline ourselves to the right course, much time and toil must be expended before we shall be induced to admit the validity of that policy which alone constitutes REMEDY.

No. 16, Doughty Street, May 1, 1843.

I remain, Sir, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM ATKINSON.

Printed by Vincent Torras & Co., 7, Palace Row, New Road, London