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NOTICE OF THE FLEET PAPERS.

"The FLEET PAPERS. MR. OASTLER AND THE FACTORY BILL.-In the forthcoming number of the Fleet Papers. (Vol. 3, No. 17,) Mr. Oastler, in a letter to Sir James Graham, has set forth his opinion on the New Factory Bill. It is entitled to considerable weight, and, we believe, will have considerable weight upon the Factory King's' subjects—the factory workers. We fully concur with him as to the mischievous effects of the system of relays.' The whole letter will be extensively read, but we have only space for the following passages:—

Leeds Intelligencer, April 29, 1843.

LETTER ON THE METROPOLITAN AND RURAL POLICE.

Kensington. Feb. 4, 1843.

SIR, I beg leave to trouble you, as the Home Secretary of Her Majesty's Government, with the following observations on the subject of the Metropolitan and Rural Police. I am one of those. Sir, who did from the beginning object to the introduction of this kind of force into this country. I object to them as despotic in character, as unconstitutional and un-English, and as the ready and obsequious servant of any power, however arbitrary, that either aristocratic or plutocratic craft, or popular frenzy, may create among us. When first the gigantic shadow of this novel and tremendous institution loomed upon the threshold of the British Parliament, I lifted up my voice in society against it, being then but a private individual. I turned anxiously to the Whigs, to see if they would have that honourable and comprehensive sense of their country's interests, and of the principles of true political freedom, to reject the bribe thus proffered to them of security to their property, and to oppose the domiciliation amongst us of so enormous and so fearful a power; but, alas! I looked in vain; there was no one who appeared to have foreknowledge-there was no one to succour the wounded liberties of my country. I now consider myself entitled, not only as a British subject, but as a rate-payer of one of the metropolitan districts, to address to you the following pages, premising that it is not my design to repudiate the necessity of, or the advantage to be derived from, the institution of an efficient constabulary force throughout the country, dependent jointly upon the crown and upon the rate-payers, but to reconcile the institution of such a body with the general welfare of the nation, with common sense, and with the principles of internal government established among us, and recognized since the time even of our Saxon monarchy.

Sir, I have a dislike to that Force in its present state, which I can scarcely express or define. I object to it on account of its isolated character-isolated in costume, in manners, and in interest. I object to it on account of its military appearance, like that of a standing army in disguise. Such a power, in the course of time, is always prone to act insolently-even now we have already too many symptoms of it. By an extravagant exercise of their power they provoke attack, and then have the means to punish those arbitrarily who have been excited to retaliation by their provocation. From the very employment in which they are engaged, being one great body, and having one common interest, they can seldom want opportunity or support in any scheme or sudden caprice of persecution, or overbearing tyranny. This persecution may be either negative, and consist in denying the protection which is due to individuals to whom they have an antipathy; or positive, and consist in a petty, overbearing, meddling interference, and in the overstraining of the laws and of their duties towards those who are obnoxious to them. In following either of these courses they may never be without a plausible excuse; and should they ever transgress the law, or should they here and there find that they had to deal with men of spirit and of judgment, who had also time to cope with them, still the magistrate has been found ready to make allowances for them; or their officers may be relied upon to countenance, or at least to shield their misconduct, and to help them to evade its punishment: for it is natural, in institutions of this kind, that the Government should stand by its servants-that the officers should sympathize with their men.

Thus the Government gradually triumphs over the liberty of the subject, and the public spirit of citizens is extinguished and worn out; while the police, dependent upon the executive, pervades the nation like some cold-blooded reptile, winding its coils throughout the walks of society, and moving, at the same time, every articulation of its body with a fearful unity of will, whilst gradually preying upon and withering the flowers in the garden of liberty, by its poisonous breath, in every direction.

When first the police was established, or rather introduced, I foresaw and foretold that they would ultimately prove to be a force dangerous to our private and public liberties-interfering in the due course of private and of public justice. I know a young man, who two years afterwards, in his own person, had reason to acknowledge the justice of my prophecy, which I did not expect to see accomplished so soon. Examples of a similar nature have lately been as "plenty as blackberries." Policy or indolence may incline you to close your ears to the gist of my representations, and you may say. "No doubt, in so large a body, a few men will be found to transgress their authority;" but, Sir, I allude to the behaviour of the officers as well as of the men-to the operation of the whole system. I consider the men as mere tools. They may, for the greater part, be good and respectable Englishmen; but the system is open to undue influence, un-English, and reprehensible.

It makes a wide difference to a traveller whether the sun shines on his back or in his face; and to the sailor, whether his course is in the wind's eye or before a fair gale; and I know, Sir, that the interests of a people and of a Government in a police are not exactly the same, and not often exactly identical. They are not the same, because the people look chiefly for the security of their liberties, of their lives, and of their property: the Government look to the enforcing of their authority, and to protection in exacting and in applying the public funds allotted to them by the Legislature. They are not often identical, because it seldom happens, and never will, till mankind are

more perfect, that the Government of a country is entirely founded on justice. The people, therefore, from a police desire the maintenance of the public peace; but the Government desire something more they place that peace in passive subjection. Therefore it is, Sir, that you and I shall look with different eyes upon the employment of the Metropolitan Police in the different counties in enforcing the New Poor Law, and in violently putting down the lawful and peaceable meetings of the people. Such employment of that force was, I know, nominally legalized by an Act surreptitiously passed through Parliament. I, in common with many of my countrymen, who, I am afraid, lack the spirit and high daring of our ancestors, deem it an unconstitutional application of an unconstitutional force, to thrust down the throats of the people an unconstitutional law a law that violated their religion and their rights, and tramples upon all the charities of life; and to silence the complaints, and to put a stop to the counsels of the people seeking redress under both longendured and recent oppression. But, Sir, with regard to this fact, you will not deny that the New Poor Law was enforced, and that the meetings of the people have been put down, by the employment of the new Metropolitan Police. Neither can you deny, however much you may approve of it in this instance, that that is a dangerous precedent; and that those who think like me are consistent, therefore, in complaining that the force has proved dangerous to our national liberties. That their employment in this manner was nominally legalized by Act of Parliament, only shows how truly dangerous the existence of such a force is, uninfluenced by popular election; for a servile Parliament, depending upon such myrmidons for the execution of its decrees, and for protection, can legalize any enormity the executive Government may think proper that it should commit.

I know, Sir, that Her Majesty's late Government, or rather, for in this matter there is no difference of Governments, Her Majesty, and the nobility and the gentry, and the enlightened capitalists, in one word, the class legislature of this country, after having employed the police of the metropolis to enforce an infidel and barbarous law in the counties, to get rid of the difficulty, conceived the formation of the new Rural Police, suited, on a similar despotic and servile system, to carry out the same unconstitutional and unchristian principles. But that again (although, thank God, the plan has been rejected in some counties, and abandoned in others where it had been tried, on account of the determined opposition of the people,) only enlarges my grounds, and increases the urgency of my complaint, that a force foreign to our Constitution and habits, and dangerous to our liberties, has been introduced into the State-that its foot was first planted on our soil in the shape of the Metropolitan Police and that it has increased and spread, till its members extend, in one form or other, into every nook and corner of the kingdom; and it threatens one day, like the giant in the tale of the Castle of Otranto, to destroy the ancient fabric of the British Constitntion, under which it has been covertly nurtured, when it shall be called to manifest its full-grown strength and energies!

You may conceive, Sir, from what I have written, that I only decry the new Metropolitan Police upon the grounds which influence men of the popular party in these districts, and in other parts of the country; but this, if I am not mistaken, is far from being the case. I look with apprehension at the existence, as I did originally at the creation of such a force; believing that it is far from impossible that the minister and the aristocracy who have produced it have been weaving a snare for themselves, and plaiting a lash for their own backs. I look upon it not only as an engine of oppression and persecution, overawing the happy and innocent sallies of a gay and free people, and ready to suppress liberty of opinion, by annoying those who may offend the powers that be, but as a Force who are and must be, from their constitution, obedient to the Home Office, and the mechanical and obsequious servants of those who hold office, whoever they may be. The only considerable contest for ministerial power has hitherto been between the two great parties of the aristocracy—it was so when the police were first talked of. But a great change in the feature of political parties and of political contests was then to be anticipated; and the state of the country at this moment, you must acknowledge, has justified that anticipation. The Reform party have increased in strength, and below them a far stronger popular party are agitating the length and

the breadth of the land.

Sir, the time has come when this monarchy and this aristocracy, if they are to stand, and the ancient liberties of the country along with them, they must be reduced back to sound and free principles, and govern by argument and persuasion as well as by restraint. But our Government has, for many years, preferred duplicity and violence. Now, duplicity and violence require a police of a despotic nature to support them, and they may stand for a time; but unless they are successful in corrupting the nation, and in depriving them of their rights and liberties, which God forbid, they cannot resist long, and they must fall before the energy of an enlightened people's simultaneous will within a comparatively short space of time. It is then that the zealous leaders whom the people will raise into power,-children of force, and sanctioned by the people in the exercise of force, will turn to their own profit all the despotic engines and arbitrary systems of the present aristocracy, and turn upon them this ready and servile instrument. Look to a neighbouring country, Sir, and ask if that has not been the case there? Then it is the aristocracy may have occasion to lament, when it is too late, that they have severed the civil force of the country, in a manner, from the nation, and that they have fabricated a mere engine of power, animated no longer, as it were, by the blood of society, tempered no longer by honest affections and friendships, but subjugated completely to the will of the Home Office,-looking to the Home Office alone for pay, for emolument, for advancement, and for distinction.

I have the honour to remain, Sir,

Your very obedient, humble servant,

JOHN PERCEVAL.

To the Right Hon. Sir James Graham, Bart.,
Secretary of State for the Home Department, &c.

Printed by Vincent Torras & Co., 7, Palace Row, New Road, London.

THE

FLEET PAPERS.

LONDON:

W. J. CLEAVER, 80, BAKER STREET,

PORTMAN SQUARE;

AND

JOHN PAVEY, 47, HOLYWELL STREET, STRAND.

NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS.

SIR JAMES GRAHAM has ordered that no visitors shall be admitted to the QUEEN'S PRISON after six o'clock in the evening. They may remain till Nine o'clock.

Mr. OASTLER begs to remind his friends, that ON MONDAY he is always occupied in writing : so that on that day HE IS NOT AT HOME."

MR. OASTLER has received from K. K. 5s. for William Dodd, and 5s. which has been appropriated as desired. The recipients thank God and the donor.

J. MAXWELL, Glasgow.-Thanks to him for his good wishes. Mr. OASTLER does not expect any relief for the working classes from any Government which supports the principle of the New Poor Law. That law incorporates all that is unjust, malignant, cowardly, and destructive. If England is doomed to be blasted by its pestilential continuance, she is doomed to fall! See how she staggers under its pressure! Still, “to preserve the consistency of Parliament," our legislators will have it, that that curse must remain: so, rather than confess an error, England must be sacrificed!

T. HAXBY, Wakefield.-Mr. OASTLER will not abandon his principles to please any "party.” He believes the true principles of liberty are those of the Constitution of England. Frowns and jeers are alike disregarded and despised by him.

SQUIRE AUTY, Bradford, Yorkshire.-The words were better left out.

The following letter, from the Rulers of the Queen's Prison, was sent to LORD COTTENHAM, in acknowledgment of his meritorious services in the cause of humanity, by introducing a Bill in their behalf into the House of Lords.-R.(). Southwark, May 23, 1813.

TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD COTTENHAM.

My Lord. We the undersigned persons, who are now in the enjoyment of the benefit of the liberty of the Rules of the Queen's Prison, beg to offer the sincere expressions of our warmest thanks to your Lordship for the continuance of that inestimable boon which we anticipate will be the result of the Bill that has been brought by your Lordship before Parliament for our relief from the pains and penalties that would otherwise be infiicted on us by the Act of the 5 & 6 Vict. c. 22.

"Semper honos, nomenque tuum, laudesque manebunt."

Will your Lordship excuse this intrusion, and accept our most cordial thanks.

To MR. RICHARD OASTLER, QUEEN'S PRISON.

Leeds, April 5, 1843. My very dear Friend, I cannot refrain addressing you again in advocacy of the allment system by parochial clubs, by the means proposed in my former letter. Should the motion proposed by Mr. Ferrand, for a general enclosure of waste lands, colonization, and allotments to the poor. succeed, I dare not hope that it will be made so efficient as it ought to be enacted; and I am confident that it would be rendered, ultimately, fully effective, by a contemporaneous paro

chial allotment by clubs, the people themselves being brought forward as principals. It is apparent that a general disposition to extend the system of small allotments prevails in all grades throughout the queendom, though not by any means so universal as is desirable, when the multifarious national and individual benefits with which it is most obviously pregnant are duly estimated. I more than doubt the utility of other measures that may be proposed; no other can be carried into practice so cheaply, or with anything like the ease and facility with which a parochial allotment plan may be executed. It would be the prolific nurse of industry, sobriety, contentment, good feeling, conservation of the laws, small farms, peace, comfort, independence of the productive classes, and national strength— in short, that measure teems with incalculable benefits. In this opinion I doubt not of your entire acquiescence, had you time to reflect maturely upon it. Its beneficial sources are too numerous to describe.

I agree most fully in your principles and sentiments. I have just this moment received your second letter, of the date of April the 1st, and shall adopt measures for forwarding the petition to Parliament in favour of Mr. Ferrand's Bill. James Garth Marshall, Esq. is most zealous in the promotion of the allotment system, so I shall attempt to obtain his influence and subscription towards the expense of getting up a numerously signed petition with the least possible delay or procrasti nation, only reminding you, that a General Enclosure Act will be incomplete without a parochial allotment system, as great numbers of parishes will be too distant from any waste land to receive benefit from it!

April 6th.-I wrote to Mr. Marshall yesterday, soliciting his name and a small subscription to head a subscription list-urging, as respectfully as I could, his reply and aid with the least delay his convenience would admit, as the time is short in which to get up a petition numerously signed. In the evening I waited upon the operative Conservatives, and found they had received a letter enclosing a copy of petition. I shall visit them again this evening. I hoped for a reply from Mr. Marshall, but have none as yet. It is not out of time, as I did not post the letter to him until late yesterday afternoon.

7th. There was only a thin attendance in the operative room last night, therefore little could be attempted. I urged them to commence the obtaining signatures to a petition without delay, and informed them that I had written to Mr. Marshall, soliciting his aid and contribution; and that if I should succeed with Mr. M., I intended soliciting the contributions of all shopkeepers, in order to raise the means to defray the expenses, and of obtaining a large number of signatures, the charge of printing, posting placards, &c. I expected a reply from Mr. M. this morning, but as yet have none. I begin to despond, and have only one resort left, i. e. application to Mr. Gott. If I do not succeed with him, the matter will rest solely with the operatives! I am destitute of means, old and feeble, and can do only little.

I attempted to form an auxiliary society, in aid of the one formed in London, for the protection of labour, &c., and entertained strong hopes of succeeding. I commenced a subscription, to defray the expense of calling a public meeting, &c., and ordered 1000 copies of the resolutions adopted at that meeting to be printed. After repeated efforts I was under the necessity of abandoning the attempt, being able to obtain scarcely more than half the expense incurred, and am left minus 8s. 6d. I am compelled to agree in your opinion, that the whole population is mesmerized, and that the nation is doomed. I shall again visit the operatives this evening.

No. 14 of the Fleeters pleases me greatly-you have given Sir Robert and Sir James a calm and sober dressing. I ween that it will be of mnch greater efficacy than former ones. Pray God that it may be so! I wish that mode of expression may continue prevalent-it will be more successful in the attainment of the objects we both aim at! You have been always correct in your proceedings, save being guilty of rashness, which I believe has operated most unfavourably both to yourself and the public weal. Had you been a little more selfish, both the community and yourself would (according to human views) have been a great deal more benefited! Moses, the Lord Jesus Christ, His Apostles and Disciples, looked forward to the recompense of reward! In some (very few) cases, (almost) abandonment of self is virtuous—in others the reverse. When the abandonment of self is inimical to the public weal, it becomes reckless of the consequences, and is therefore injurious. The object proposed, if virtuous, is a great reward. If by any means that reward is adversely affected, or greatly obstructed, the consequent injury stamps some part of the means, at least, practised for the attainment of that object with evil, or at least proves it to be very mischievous. Therefore, self is not to be abandoned, especially when the weal of the community (which is the will of God) is injured or obstructed thereby!

When you have duly pondered upon the preceding remarks, I am strongly inclined to believe that you will admit their correctness. I had determined to cease further remarks upon this subject, but the train of reflection upon your and the public's weal have impelled. You will forgive my pertinacity. I can in very truth copy your declaration-I am not angry! Your last Paper has revived hope. Go on and prosper, in the name of the Lord. The allotment of land by individuals here is making good progress-all prospects are not gloomy.

I remain, with prayers for your comfort and success,

My dear friend,

[The opinio truth, demand a adopted the wist to do so.-R.O.

As ever, yours faithfully,

WM. ATKINSON.

f so good and so wise a man as this veteran in the cause of secure my highest respect. I dare say I have not always and best means to do good-I have, however, always striven

TO THE RIGHT HON. SIR ROBERT PEEL, M.P.

Manchester Road, Bradford, May 23, 1843. SIR, As the Factory question will come on for discussion in the House of Commons shortly. and as facts are very valuable, particularly on such an agitated subject, on which there are so many different opinions, you will perhaps excuse me taking the liberty of pointing out to you that the Bill now before the House, with its 12 hours' clause, actually means 16 or 17 hours per day's work. And now, Sir Robert, for the proof of this assertion.

On Friday morning last I arose at 4 o'clock, for the purpose of finding out what number of factory workers passed a certain inlet into the town of Bradford, at a certain place, within one mile and a half of the town.

I arrived at the place at 5 o'clock, and the first person that passed me to go to the factory was a female, at 6 minutes past 5 o'clock; others followed in rapid succession until 10 minutes to 6 o'clock; and the whole number who passed me during that time was 346, and out of that number 317 were females.

Now, Sir Robert, a great number of these people had to come, before they reached me, a distance of two miles, and some of them more, so that they could not have been in their beds that morning later than half-past 4 o'clock. They work at the mills until half-past 7 o'clock at night, so that it is impossible for them to reach home before 9 o'clock at night-leaving only 7 hours for sleep, recreation, education, religion, and for learning domestic duties, so as to make them useful members of society.

To make my proof doubly sure, I have this day inquired of one of the females who passed me the morning alluded to, and she informed me that she had to get up at half-past 4 o'clock in the morning, and only reached home again at 9 o'clock at night-thus leaving just 7 hours out of the 24; so that instead of the present Bill now before the House being a Twelve Hours' Bill, it is to these parties a Sixteen-and-a-half Hours' Bill. And remember, too, Sir Robert, that this is only one inlet into the town of Bradford: there are about twelve altogether.

It should not be forgotten, that out of these 346 no less a number than 317 of them were females, who have that distance to travel through the stormy blasts of winter, sometimes wet to the skin; and they have to commence working with their clothes drying on their backs!

What then, Sir Robert, is to be done? Are there to be no feelings of humanity shown to the female portion of society? Are we still to be worse in England than the black slaves? or is there to be some amelioration of the long hours of the factory working population? Do consider, Sir Robert, before you give your sanction to the 12 hours' clause, and follow the example of the noble-minded Ashley, in endeavouring to ameliorate the condition of the factory workers, by inserting in the Bill a 10 instead of a 12 hours' clause, and I am sure the blessing of God will follow your humane and Christian-like act.

I have been busy, during the last week, in canvassing this subject among the master manufacturers of this town: they want a settling of the question; and a great number of them signed a Ten Hours' Bill petition, many of whom used to oppose it. Great numbers declare they will never sign a petition again on any subject whatever. They say, “A deaf ear is turned to our petitions, and therefore it is of no use troubling ourselves about the matter."

Oh, Sir Robert, what a horrible state is this to be in, and all because attention has not been paid to the petitions of the people; and these expressions are from the middle class too. And the working class are the same. They say, "Let Parliament make laws as tyrannical and oppressive as they think proper-there will sooner be an end to all law-makers; for we might as well petition the rock of Gibraltar as the House of Commons."

Now then, Sir Robert, I ask again, what is to be done? Is a deaf ear still to be turned to the cries of those who cannot help themselves?-(I mean the factory workers.) Are the petitions of tens of thousands that have been presented on this important subject still to be of no avail? If so, then I have no hope for this country. I laboured hard, during the last election, to place you and your colleagues in office; but if this is the order of the day, then farewell Conservatism!

I am an elector for the borough of Bradford and for the West Riding of the county of York, and have wrought disinterestedly in the factory cause these last six or seven years. I am not, therefore, quite ignorant of the workings of the Factory system. I have superintended a Sundayschool in connexion with the Church of England a number of years, and have visited many of my Sunday scholars on their death-beds, who, wben first I knew them, were as blooming as the flowers, in May. I can testify that the long hours of factory labour, in connexion with the rest of the evils of the system, brought on consumption, and soon laid them on a bed of affliction, which ended in death Do then. Sir Robert, as you have the power, interfere for the poor factory workers, by getting inserted a 10 instead of a 12 hours' clause; and that God may prosper your work, is the sincere prayer of Your obedient servant,

SQUIRE AUTY.

TO MR. RICHARD OASTLER, QUEEN'S PRISON.

6, South Square, Gray's Inn, May 18, 1843. "My dear Sir,-Viewing the Factory system as it is forcibly exhibited in your valuable Papers, I am induced to address you to the following effect. It is clear, beyond a doubt, that there are too many mills, too many operatives, too little employment, and dreadfully under-paid labour. There is produce beyond consumption, and consequent depression in the price of labour as well as of manufactures. This untoward state of things is without remedy, until a more extended market be acquired, or manufactures be limited to the lesser demand for them. In the meanwhile, what is to be done with the overstocked operatives? Were they better paid, they