a

mitted by their own laws, which commend persuasion, and condemn compulsion.' That is a proof it was their avowed sentiment. Libanius seems not much to have studied the books of the New Testament; he took his notion of the Christian laws, and the Christian religion, from the professors and teachers of them.

And it might be easily shewn, that the Christians of old had alleged the same reasons and arguments against persecution, with those now made use of by this learned sophist. They argued, that compulsion did not make real converts, but hypocrites only. So said Lactantius, whom I shall transcribe briefly below.

10. The moderation of the Christian emperors, of Theodosius in particular, ought to be observed. That emperor advanced several, yea many heathens to governments and magistracies; and shewed favour to our Libanius, though he was so open in his zeal for Gentilism.

b

11. We may observe what we have seen upon many occasions in many others, that our orator displays that popular argument, taken from the successes and victories of Rome, whilst a worshipper of the gods. This was an argument, very proper to work upon the passions. The greatness of the Roman empire had been attained, before the rise of the Christian religion; it was easy to insinuate the danger of innovation, and to terrify men with the apprehension of the consequences of it. Doubtless this argument had a great influence upon many; but there were those, who were so far influenced by reason, as to believe, that the world had been in all times governed by the providence of the one God, creator of the heavens and the earth, not by inanimate images, or dæmons; these were the Christians: and upon the ground of this most just and reasonable persuasion, they stood the charge of their heathen neighbours, and bore all the hatred which they loaded them with, as enemies to the welfare of the empire, and of the world in general, by forsaking the ancient worship of the gods.

12. Nor has Libanius omitted the old and common reflection upon the Christians, as if they had been all mean and ignorant mechanics. This reflection had been always false and unjust, because there were in all times among the professors of Christianity some men of learning and good condition. But this argument should have been dropt before this time. It might be turned against the heathens. The emperors themselves were now Christians, and had been so for some while, except Julian. Governors and magistrates were now generally Christians; and there were many eminent wits, philosophers, and orators, among the bishops and Christian people. To this greatness and splendour had the Christian church attained, from mean and small beginnings indeed, by the force of truth, and a rational evidence, without, and against worldly terrors and allurements. A greater wonder this, and a work of greater power, as well as of more virtue, than the magnificence of Rome, and the grandeur of her empire!

CHAP. L.

EUTROPIUS.

1. His work and time. II. His character of Constantine, with remarks. III. His character

d

of Julian.

1. EUTROPIUS is called by Suidas an Italian sophist. He says, he wrote an Abridgment or Summary of the Roman History, in the Latin tongue, and other things.' That Summary of

a See above, p. 362.

Res est enim præter cæteras voluntaria; nec imponi cuiquam necessitas potest, ut colat, quod non vult. Potest aliquis forsitan simulare; non potest velle. Denique, cum metu tormentorum aliqui aut cruciatibus victi ad execranda sacrificia consenserint, nunquam ultro faciunt, quod necessitate fecerunt: sed, datâ rursus facultate, ac redditâ libertate, referunt se ad Deum, eumque et precibus et lacrymis plaVOL. IV.

cant-Quid ergo promovet, qui corpus inquinat, quando immutare non potest voluntatem?' Lactant. Epit. cap. 54.

c Vid. Voss. de Hist. Lat. lib. ii. cap. 8. Fabr. Bib. Lat. lib. iii. cap. 9. Tom. 2. p, 576. &c. Tillem. Valens. art. 24. • Ευτρόπιος Ιταλος, σοφισης Την Ρωμαϊκήν ἱσοριαν επιδο μικως τη Ιταλών φωνη εδραψε και αλλα. Suid. e Historiæ Romanæ Breviarium.

3 B

the Roman History, from the foundation of Rome to the death of Jovian is still extant. He served under Julian in the Persian expedition, as he says himself.

a

His Summary was written in the time of Valentinian and Valens. Valens only, and must have been written about the year 370.

b

But it is inscribed to

Our writers of Universal ancient History say, after Tillemont: He seems to have been of the senatorial order; for at the head of his work he is distinguished with the title of Clarissimus, < which was peculiar to Senators.' Nevertheless, I do not see that title in any of the editions of his work, which I have; nor in the Greek paraphrase of Pæanius, though I have two editions of it.

C

He is generally reckoned a heathen: I think he must be so esteemed. If he had been a Christian, there would have appeared some intimations of it in the history of Dioclesian and Constantine; especially when it is considered, that he wrote in the time of Christian emperors. II. Eutropius enlargeth in the history and character of Constantine; but without taking any notice of his Christianity. He says, that Constantine had a great and aspiring mind. He aimed at no less than to be sole governor of the whole world. He blames him for his wars with Licinius, though he was related to him by marriage: and then censures him for putting Licinius to death, after he had overcome him, though he had promised him his life with the solemnity of an oath. He adds, that for a while Constantine's reign was mild, and generally acceptable: but the long continuance of prosperity in some measure perverted him; and he then put to death several of his own relations, one an excellent man [meaning his son Crispus,] and his sister's son, a hopeful youth [meaning Licinianus, or young Licinius,] then his wife, and after that many of his friends.'

d

With regard to all which it will be readily allowed, that we do not aim to justify any bad actions of Constantine. When I formerly wrote the history of this emperor, all these things were particularly considered. And I also alleged the judgments of divers learned men, some favourable, others less favourable to him.

f

The case of Licinius is there particularly considered, and the judgments of divers learned men produced. I now add here the judgment of Mr. Mosheim; who first gives an account of the wars between Constantine and Licinius, and the event of them; and then, in a note, refers to Julian's Caesars. And he observes, that Julian himself, than whom no man was less favourable to Constantine, has represented Licinius as a great tyrant, and a very vicious man.? Mr. Mosheim is also of opinion, that Aurelius Victor has referred to Licinius's persecution of the Christians, and severely condemned the cruelty of it: I place his words below, that the curious and learned reader may the better consider the justness of his observation,

i

And I shall now refer to a place in Pagi, which also was omitted formerly. He is very par• We know not,' he says, ticular in his answers to the several complaints before mentioned. 'the reason, why young Licinius was put to death; but possibly he was an accomplice with his

* Hinc Julianus rerum potitus est, ingentique apparatu Parthis intulit bellum: cui expeditioni ego quoque interfui. Brev. 1. x. cap. 16.

b Univ. Hist. vol. xvi. p. 352.

c Constantinus tamen, vir ingens, et omnia efficere nitens quæ animo præparâsset, simul principatum totius orbis affectans, Licinio bellum intulit; quamvis necessitudo illi et affinitas cum eo esset; nam soror ejus Constantia nupta Licinio erat. Varia deinceps inter eos bella, et pax reconciliata ruptaque est. Postremo Licinius navali et terrestri prælio victus apud Nicomediam se dedidit, et contra religionem sacramenti Thessalonica privatus occisus- -Verum insolentia rerum secundarum aliquantum ex illa favorabili animi docilitate mutavit. Primum necessitudines persecutus, egregium virum, et sororis filium, commodæ indolis juvenem, interfecit, post numerosos ámicos. Eutrop. Brev. 1. x. cap. 5, 6. 4 See Vol. ii. p. 339-343.

• P. 340, 341.

f Vid. Inst. S. 4. P. 1. cap. 1. sect. 10. p. 145, 146. Ipse Julianus, quo nemo iniquior fuit in Constantinum, non potuit, quin Licinium infamem tyrannum, vitiisque et sceleribus obrutum, diceret. Moshem. ibid.

I think it best for me to transcribe here the passages of Julian, in his own original language. Λικινίον δε μεχρι των

προθύρων ελθονία, πολλα και αποπα πλημμελενία, ταχέως δ MIVws EλασEV. Julian. Cæs. p. 315. ed. Spanhem.

Δυο γαρ τυραννος [Maxentium et Licinium] (ειχε χρη το αλήθη φαναι) καθῄρηκει, τον μεν απόλεμοντε και μαλακόν τον δε άθλιον τε και δια το γήρας αμφοτερω δε θεοις τε και ανθρω ποις εχθίσω. Id. ib. p. 329.

h Liceat mihi hic observare, quod neglectum esse adhuc video, Aurelium Victorem, libro de Cæsaribus cap. 41, Licinianæ hujus vexationis mentionem his fecisse verbis. Licinio 'ne insontium quidem ac nobilium philosophorum servili more cruciatus adhibiti modum fecere.' Philosophi, quos hic excruciâsse Licinius dicitur, Christiani sine dubio sunt; quos multi, disciplinæ nostræ parum gnari, Philosophorum sectam esse opinati sunt. Intactum dimiserunt hunc locum Aurelii interpretes. Moshem. ibid.

Et hæc quidem Eusebius [lib. iv. cap. 54. de Vitâ Constantini.] universim de cunctis, in quibus Constantinus utcumque culpabilis videbatur aliquibus. De cædibus autem, si rationem in particulari reddere voluisset, dixisset forsitan cum ipso Baronio, Licinium juniorem ex sorore Constantia natum, etsi causa vulgo ignoraretur, verosimiliter tamen complicem patri suo fuisse: in Crispo filio infelicem magis quam reum in Faustâ conjuge etiam justum judicem appellandum.

father. In the death of Crispus, Constantine may have been rather unhappy than criminal. Fausta may have been condemned by a just sentence. As for his many friends," Eutropius ⚫ has named none. But some of them may at length have been brought to condign punishment, ⚫ for having abused the emperor's credulity by their malicious accusations of others. Nor has any one been named, who suffered from him for not being a Christian, or that had one hair of • his head touched upon that account.'

So Pagi, whom I have transcribed below in his own words, that they who please may attend to these Observations. Undoubtedly, heathen people in general were much prejudiced against Constantine, the first Roman emperor, who made an open profession of Christianity. And we be allowed to apologize for him, so far as can be done upon good foundations.

may

2

I may not omit to observe, that after all that has been already transcribed from him, Eutropius adds, still speaking of Constantine: For the former part of his reign he deserves to be reckoned among the best princes, and for the latter part he must be ranked with those of a ⚫ middle sort. He was distinguished by many good qualities of body and mind. He was especially desirous of military honour; and indeed was prosperous in his wars. Nor was his suc'cess therein beyond the merit of his abilities.'

That is the judgment of Eutropius, whom I take to be rather a military man, than a sophist. In his opinion Constantine was a great man, and no bad prince.

III. In his character of Julian, beside other things, he says, 'he was very ambitious of glory ' and honour: an enemy to the Christian religion: however, so as to abstain from blood.'

In some editions there is a word denoting that Julian was too great' an enemy to the Christians. But some learned editors are of opinion, that that word is an interpolation; and, probably, it is so. Without it, it is here implied, that Julian in his enmity to the Christiau religion, bore hard upon the Christians, and incommoded them in divers respects, though he did not put them to death, as some other emperors had done.

This is all I think needful to take from Eutropius. I should have been well pleased to find more in a work, which is so filled with a variety of events in many reigns, some since the rise of Christianity, and others before it.

CHAP. LI.

AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS.

1. His time and work, and character. II. Extracts from him.

I. AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS was a Greek, of a good family at Antioch, who lived under Constantius, and the following emperors, to the reign of Theodosius, and near the end of the fourth century. He had early a military post, called domestic protector; which is reckoned to be an argument, that he was of a good family. From the year 350 to 359, he served in divers places under Ursicinus, master of the horse to Constantius. He was with Julian in his Persian expe

Numerosos amicos, quos successive interfectos scribit Eutropius, lib. x-credendum, plerosque id commeritos, quod nimiâ principis credulitate tandem deprehenderentur fuisse abusi ob suam exuberantem malitiam, ut loquitur Eusebius, et insatiabilem cupiditatem, qualis proculdubio fuit Sopater ille philosophus, tandem Ablabio agente interfectus: idque justâ Dei dispensatione, quia Constantinum conatus a verâ religione abalienare-Et si plures quam alias tunc fuissent, quid hoc ad fidem Christianam spectat, impingendumque Constantino nomen persecutoris, quamdiu nec unus quidem nominatur, cui eâ de causâ vel pilus capitis tactus fuerit? Pagi ann. 324. n. 12.

a Vir primo imperii tempore optimis principibus, ultimo

mediis, comparandus. Innumeræ in eo animi corporisque virtutes claruerunt: militaris gloriæ appetentissimus: fortuna in bellis prospera fuit, verum ita, ut non superaret industriam. Id. ib. 1. x. cap. 7.

b Gloriæ avidus, ac per eam animi plerumque immodici: nimius religionis Christianæ insectator, perinde tamen ut cruore abstineret. Lib. x. cap. 16.

< Vide Auctorem ipsum. Voss. de Hist. Latin. lib. ii. cap. 9. Vales. Præf. Fabric. Bib. Lat. T. i. p. 612. et T. 3. p. 113. Pope Blount Censura Auctorum. p. 181. Tillemont H. E. Valens. art. 23. Bayle Diction. Hist. Crit. Marcellin. The Writers of Universal Ancient History, Vol. xvi. p. 351, 352.

dition in 363. After which he seems to have continued in the east, and to have lived pretty much at Antioch, in which he was born; which place he did not leave before the year 374, when he went to Rome, where he wrote his history, as appears from several parts of his work: which is the history of the Roman affairs from Nerva to the death of Valens, in 378.

This history consisted of one and thirty books, the first thirteen of which are lost, and the last eighteen only remaining; which begin at the 17th year of Constantius, of our Lord 353. His style is remarkably rough; but it is not strange, that the style of a soldier, and a Greek, writing in Latin, should have some faults; which, however, are fully compensated by his faithfulness and impartiality.

b

Some have thought him a Christian; but that is evidently a mistake, and they have had very few followers. They who have any doubts about this matter, may do well to consult the preface of Adrian Valesius to his edition of this author, and Mr. Bayle's Dictionary. As he wrote under Christian emperors, he might not judge it proper to profess his religion unseasonably, and might think fit to be somewhat cautious in his reflections upon Christianity.

Says Tillemont, It is manifest, that he is zealous for idols, and for such as worshipped them; and particularly for Julian the apostate, whom he makes his hero; and, on the contrary, he appears to be a great enemy to Constantius. Nevertheless, he often speaks with some equity both of one and the other."

с

He is plainly an admirer of Julian. Nevertheless he deserves, in my opinion, the character which he gives of himself at the conclusion of his work of a faithful historian. If I should have occasion to complain of some instances of partiality, I shall take the liberty to mention them. Says Seur: Ammianus Marcellinus' is a celebrated Historian, who was in divers honourable military offices in the reigns of several emperors. He speaks as an eye-witness of many things of which he writes, and oftentimes of having a part in them. Though he was a pagan, he shews no animosity against the Christian religion, but expresseth himself with a great deal of modesty, and represents things faithfully and equitably, with great care, and in good order." As it appears from some things said in the work itself, that it was not finished before the year of Christ 390, I have placed him no earlier than 380, though he had then flourished a great while, as is evident from what has been just said of him.

II. Having given this account of the author himself and his work, I now proceed to make extracts from him.

1. Ammianus informs us, that Constantine, desirous to know exactly the opinions of seveveral sects, the Manichees in particular, and the like, and not finding any one fit for that pur'pose, he accepted and employed Strategius, who had been recommended to him. And he discharged that office so much to satisfaction, that the emperor ordered, that for the future he should be called Musonianus.'

That must be reckoned a curious passage, though we are not acquainted with the report made after inquiry: nor do I know, that this is mentioned any where else by any other ancient writer now extant.

a Sed qui attente legerit, quæ præter cætera in fine libri xiv. de Adrastiâ et Nemesi, quæ in libro xvi. de Mercurio, quæ in libro xxi. de numine Themidis, de Haruspicitâ, de Auguriis, variisque artibus futura prænoscendi, veteres Theologos suos et Physicos ac Mysticos secutus scripsit: profecto fateri cogetur, eum cultui Deorum addictum ac devotum fuisse. A Vales. Præf.

b See Ammiau. Marcellin. note (B.)

L'Emp. Valens. art. 23,

The late learned and excellent Mr. Mosheim was of opinion, that Marcellinus, and some other learned men about this time, were a sort of neuters: they neither rejected the Christian religion, nor forsook the religion of their ancestors. His argument may be seen quoted above, p. 238; which appears to me a particularity in that great man. To me it seems, that Ammianus was as much a heathen, as he would have been, if Christianity had never appeared in the world. I refer to a quotation of Valesius, supra, note, and particularly to Ammianus's defence and recommendation of heathen augury, and other like methods of investigating futurities,

which are at the beginning of the 21st book of his History. And there are many other places proper to support the same judgment concerning him.

e Hæc, ut miles quondam et Græcus, a principatu Nervæ exorsus, ad usque Valentis interitum, pro virium explicavi mensurâ opus veritatis professum nunquam (ut arbitror,) sciens silentio ausus corrumpere vel mendacio. Ammian. 1. xxxi. cap. 16. sub fin.

f Hist. de l'Eglise et de l'Empire. A. 384. p. 446.

Domitiano crudeli morte consumpto, Musonius ejus successor Orientem Prætoriani regebat potestate Præfecti, facundiâ sermonis utriusque clarus: unde sublimius quam sperabatur eluxit. Constantinus enim, cum limatius superstitionum quæreret sectas, Manichæorum, et similium, nec interpres inveniretur idoneus, hunc ipsum commendatum ut sufficientem, elegit: quem officio functum perite, Musonianum voluit appellari, ante Strategium dictitatum. Et ex eo percursis honorum gradibus multis adscendit ad præfecturam; prudens alia, tolerabilisque provinciis, et mitis, et blandus, &c. Ammian. 1. xv. cap. 13.

Strategius, who now approved himself to Constantine, was afterwards in several high offices. In the reign of Constantius he was for a while proconsul of Achaia, and in the year 354 was made by the same emperor præfect of the prætorium in the east.

I transcribe in the margin more of this paragraph of Ammianus than I have translated. He says, that Strategius was noted for his skill in both languages, meaning Greek and Latin: and he commends him for the moderation and mildness with which he governed the people of the provinces, who had been committed to his care. As does also " Libanius. I must likewise refer to Gothofred.

a

с

2. In the history of affairs in the year 355, he says: that Leontius, who was then præfect of Rome, having performed an act of justice becoming his office, he received an order from • Constantius, to send to him at Milan, Liberius a priest of the Christian law [bishop of Rome], as having been disobedient to the commands of the emperor, and the decrees of many of his • brethren. And I shall give a short account of the affair. Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria at that time, taking more upon him than became his character, as was confidently reported, was deposed by a numerous assembly, which they called a synod. For by his great skill in the · augury of birds, and other arts of prognostication, he was said to have often foretold future things. He was also charged with other things contrary to the Christian law. When Liberius was desired by the emperor to assent to the rest, and to subscribe to the sentence for removing him [Athanasius] from the sacerdotal see, he obstinately refused to comply; again and again declaring, that it was the height of wickedness to condemn a man unseen and unheard; thus openly withstanding the emperor's will and pleasure. For he being ever averse to Athanasius, though he knew the thing was already done effectually, yet he was very desirous to have it 'confirmed by the authority also of that superior power, which belongs to the bishops of the eternal city. Liberius not complying, he was sent for to come to the court; and was at length carried away [to Milan] under a strong guard in the night time, for fear of the people, by whom he was dearly beloved.'

d

So writes Ammianus, representing this part of the conduct of Liberius, not disagreeably to the accounts of our ecclesiastical writers. Liberius, however, was not always steady: but there is no necessity that I should now concern myself any farther in his history.

3. We must take another passage concerning Constantius. In his character of this emperor, at the end of his reign, Ammianus says: The Christian religion, which in itself is plain and simple, he adulterated with a childish superstition: for studying it with a vain curiosity instead ' of sober modesty, he raised many dissensions, which when caused, he cherished and increased by a strife about words. And the public carriages were even worn out by the troops of priests 'galloping from all quarters to their synods, as they call them, to bring the whole sect to their particular opinion.'

Most persons will allow this to be a judicious passage. First, he calls the Christian religion a plain and simple religion.' They who best understand the New Testament, will most admire the justness of this observation. Secondly, the strife about words,' very probably has a reference to those two words, homoüsius,' and 'homoioüsius, of the same,' and the like

Liban. de Vitâ suâ. p. 29. C. D.

b Vid. Musonianus, in Prosopogr. Cod. Theodos.

c Hoc administrante Leontio, Liberius, Christianæ legis antistes, a Constantio ad Comitatum mitti præceptus est, tamquam Imperatoris jussis, et plurimorum sui consortium decretis obsistens, in re, quam brevi textu percurram. Athanasium episcopum eo tempore apud Alexandriam, ultra professionem altius se efferentem, sciscitarique conatum externa, ut prodidere rumores assidui, cœtus in unum quæsitus ejusdem loci multorum (synodus ut appellant) removit a sacramento quod obtinebat. Dicebatur enim fatidicarum sortium fidem, quæve augurales portenderent alites, scientissime callens, aliquoties prædixisse futura. Super his intendebantur ei alia quoque a proposito legis abhorrentia, cui præsidebat. Hunc per subscriptionem abjicere sede sacerdotali, paria sentiens cæteris, jubente Principe, Liberius monitus perseveranter renitebatur, nec visum hominem, nec auditum damnare, nefas ultimum sæpe exclamans, aperte scilicet recalcitrans

Imperatoris arbitrio. Id enim ille, Athanasio semper infestus, licet sciret impletum, tamen auctoritate quoque, quâ potiores æternæ Urbis Episcopi, firmari desiderio nitebatur ardenti. Quo non impetrato, Liberius ægre populi metu, qui ejus amore flagrabat, cum magnâ difficultate noctis medio potuit absportari. Lib. xv. cap. 7.

a Vid. Theodoret. 1. ii. c. 16. Sozom. 1. iv. cap. 9. Athanas. Histor. Arian. ad Monachos. p. 364- -368. edit. Bened. Rufin. H. E. 1. i. cap. 20. Sulp. Sever. Hist. 1. ii. cap. 39. al. cap. 55. et 56.

• Christianam religionem absolutam et simplicem anili superstitione confundens: in quâ scrutandâ perplexius, quam componenda gravius, excitavit discidia pluriina; quæ progressa fusius aluit concertatione verborum; ut catervis Antistitum jumentis publicis ultro citroque discurrentibus per synodos quas appellant, dum ritum omnem ad suum trahere conantur arbitrium, rei vehiculariæ succideret nervos. Amm. M. 1. xxi, cap. 16. seu ult.