Moral and Social Condition, our, a Salmagundi, 225

THE

United States

DEMOCRATIC REVIEW.

July, 1858.

THE

VISITATION AND SEARCH OF VESSELS.

HE events of the day are important. Occurrences upon the high seas in the West Indian waters, and in those of the Mexican Gulf, invite the attention of this Government and interest the feelings of the American people. British cruisers hesitate not to trespass on the rights of our citizens, and to trample on the liberties secured to them by the law of nations. An admiral of her Britannic Majesty's navy, with or without orders from the Premier of the realm, exercises the extraordinary prerogative of arresting American vessels, merchantmen engaged in lawful commerce and peaceably prosecuting their voyages. The occasion is proper for the consideration of the doctrines of publicists and statesmen in respect to the right of visitation and search of vessels sailing the Deep Sea, which from the times of the earliest civilization has been very justly deemed the great highway of the Nations. For a long period-indeed, almost ever since the nation

has had an existence, it has been a vexed question between. it and Great Britain. Diplomacy has been busy, at intervals, to devise satisfactory measures to harmonize these two Powers, so as, in time of peace, to mutually visit and search their respective merchant-ships at sea, to ascertain whether engaged in lawful voyages, or in the prohibited importation of African slaves for traffic in the slave-marts beyond sea. High functionaries of state-ministers plenipotentiary, respectively residing near the governments to which they were commissioned, and secretaries at their posts at home, have discussed the points in controversy, and their papers will long remain monuments of their careful researches and great ability. Such distinguished personages as Lord Castlereagh, Sir Stratford Canning, Mr. Richard Rush, Mr. John Quincy Adams, etc., may be found in the catalogue of those whose discussions upon this topic are the most able.

It will be remembered that Great Britain was once so arrogant as to claim the right to visit and search our vessels for the purpose of seizing such subjects of the crown as had engaged in the service of the American marine. This became a troublesome matter. The claim to exercise such visitation and search and seizure, was resisted by this government; but remonstrance availed nothing, and diplomatists failed in their negotiations. The high contending parties became belligerents. The claim must be met and the claimant repelled by force; there was no alternative. The ultima ratio regum, therefore, must determine the controversy: a war followed, which is memorable in the annals of these nations. The haughty arrogance of the selfish Policeman of the Seas was humbled to treat for peace, and to abandon the unjust claim. Playing Neptune on the Great Atlantic before Modern Europe and the World was neither a profitable nor a successful histrionic engagement. The acts of this play, it would seem, were too tragic ever again to find a willing troupe of players. Such a play demands a multitude of lesser gods, Dii minores, who may not so well enjoy the exhibition. in all its parts as to readily engage in another like performance. The great Sea-god's rolling chariot and tramping steeds

and trenchant trident, may again discover themselves, with their owner, under the gravitating necessity of going to the coral groves beneath the floods of waters, while the victor shall rejoice and say, as in the Hebrew lawgiver's song of deliverance at the Red Sea, the depths have covered them— they sank into the bottom as a stone!

The claim of the British government to look after and control its own subjects, had a most plausible and specious seeming, but its exercise came in conflict with the lessons of the Code of Nations, and for that reason the American people would not allow their dignity and honor and peace to be compromitted. And now, never having grown less sensitive to insults, and not less animated by sentiments of national honor, nor reposing less on the dignity of their standing and character among the nations, nor less disposed to live in peace with all mankind, under no pretence or claim whatsoever will they ever allow, as matter of right, another people to menace or intermeddle in the manner of the recent outrages upon the national flag by British vessels of war. To submit to the present exaction of the Queen's government, would be contrary to this nation's former practice and precedent. However praiseworthy may be her professed motive, it cannot avail to secure a license for her battle-ships to summon with the voice of cannon, the American Flag to give an account of the affairs of the vessel at whose masthead it freely floats. It will not neglect to keep the counsels, nor fail to protect the persons, of those beneath its banner. Their papers and effects are sacredly in its charge. No rude hand of the marauder of the seas, piratical depredator, buccaneer, hostis humani generis, may meddle with impunity. And shall men under commandment of ministers of a government that has given forth laws and literature and science and art, to benefit the human race and bless the world, and which is a party to a treaty, the best which, under the circumstances, this nation was able to enter into with that government, in respect to the mooted matter between them, become violators of international law, jeopard the peace of citizen and subject, and place their nation beyond the pale of good neighborhood with the American