cured the passport which accompanies the other papers, under his real name. He thought this would be of serviee to him; and, while the letters from Imbert to Dubuc, mentioned him by the name of Michel, the cook, he entered France under his real name, after submitting his passport at Hamburgh to the inspection of the minister plenipotentiary of France.If we were to believe Laa, he never received any commission from Imbert, for Dubuc; he saw no emigrant during his last residence in London; and he is not the person mentioned by the name of Michel, the cook, in the letters of Imbert to Dubuc. But the following facts directly contradict these denials: 1. Laa acknowledges that he left England on the 11th of May; and this date perfectly corresponds to that of the departure of the emissary Michel, announced by Imbert's letter of the 15th May. 2. It was precisely during the four days in which Laa remained at Pafis, that the phial of ink, of wlrich Michel was said to be the bearer, was delivered at the very house to which Michel, according to the direction of Imbert, was to carry it. This phial is in the possession of the police. Lastly comes a fact calculated to remove every doubt, it is acknowledged by Laa, that at the time of his first journey (January 3, 1804) he returned to France by Morlaix, under the false character of a prisoner of war in the English vessel, the Friends' Goodwill. Now it has been ascertained in the offices of the marine, that the flag of truce the Friends' Goodwill, landed at Morlaix, on the 3d of January, eighteen prisoners; sixteen of these were known to belong to the suite of the Generals Noguez and Morgan, and were acknowledged by them; the 17th was discovered to be the lieutenant of a privateer. The name of the eighteenth prisoner was Andre Michel, the cook, returning to Bayonne, and Laa has confessed, in his interrogatories, that it was he who was landed by that name, and in the quality of a cook, by this flag of truce; therefore, the same assumed name, the same profession,, prove áltogether to a demonstration, that Michel, the cook, mentioned by Imbert, who left England on the 11th of May, to carry to Dubuc a phial of ink, letters, and a memoir, to obtain details from him, and to carry back those details to England, is Andre Laa.

DISCUSSION. The identity thus proved, constitutes the culpability of Andre Laa. And if the sentence which condemned Dubuc and Rossolin, if the instruction which preceded the sentence, the confession of the accused, and the letters seized before and after the sentence, did not completely prove

2

a strongly characterised crime of espionage, it would be sufficient to accuse Andre Lan of being a spy or the enemy; from the confessions he has been obliged to make, from his travels, from the false names he has as sumed, and in the method chosen by the English government to land Laa on our coasts: in such an abuse of : flag of truce, will be recognised, independent of any other proof, the mission of espionage given by the English government to Andre Laa.Having left Morlaix with a passport, granted under the false name of Michel, Laa arrived in his native country, under that name procures a passport for Spain, and after col lecting information relative to the state of all the coast from Morlaix to Corunna, he returns to England to give an account of his mission. In a few months, we once more see him leaving England, and returning to France by way of Hamburgh. These facts alone, I repeat it, independant of every other circumstance, constitute him a spy-If these facts be added to those stated in the charge delivered before judgment was pronounced against Dubuc and Rossolin, the evidence is complete. By their trial, by the sentence by which it was terminated, it has been proved that Dubue, and Roszolin were spies of England; a letter, posterior to the sentence, demonstrates this day that there two spies were real assassins charged to act over again the part of Georges and Pichegru, and paid, like Georges and Pichegru, by the English government.It is to these two assassins, that their. immediate chief dispatches an emissary, charged to demand intelligence of them, to carry them memorials, and new means of continuing their espionage in security. This entissary is denominated Michel, and it is proved that this Michel is Andre Laa--he arrives at Faris the day fol lowing that on which sentence was passed on his accomplices, and is ignorant of their ap prehension. He addresses to them the let ters and the phial delivered to him for them -the sentence pronounced against them strikes him aghast--he sees all the danger of his situation-he remains at Paris no longer than till he can procure a place in the dili gence-he flies, but is soon overtaken. This crime, and his being an accomplice, are proved by facts; and, from his own confes sions, I conclude that the accused Laa must be declared guilty of being a spy for the ene my. (Signed) J. B. BORREL-Here follows the sentence of death, with all the formalities, which are totally uninteresting.

(Signed) THUILLIER, JAMIN, DELERT, CHASSERAUX, J. B. BORREL, GOUCET, H.

CHARLOT.

353]

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. CONTINENTAL COALITION.-The motto to the present Number recals the reader's attention to the time when Lord Hawkesbury and his colleagues were engaged in a defence of the public character and conduct of their common patron and prompter, Mr. Pitt. A motion had been made for censuring him, at least, by implication; whereupon that most important personage, Lord Belgrave, moved the thanks of the House of Commons to him for his conduct during his long administration, and particularly during the late war with France, which, his lordship stated, had been just then most happily and gloriously concluded, and all by means of the great wisdom, integrity, and disinterestedness of his Right Honourable Friend. To show the impropriety of, this motion, Mr. Grey and others, entered into an examination of the then state of things, compared with that which Mr. Pitt had constantly promised the nation he would produce, before he made peace with France; and, amongst other things, it was observed, that the House of Bourbon was banished from France, and that the French government was, in its principle, still such as it had been during the whole time that Mr. Pitt had been at war against it. This drew from Lord Hawkesbury an assertion, that to restore the House of Bourbon had never been a principal object of the war; and, after an intervening sentence or two of verbosity, he came to the passage which has been now selected for a motto, and which it is certainly worth while to compare with the doctrine now held forth by the ministerial prints, particularly the SUN, relative to a war against the person of Buonaparté; or, in other words, a war for the purpose of effecting a counter-revolution in France.When the reader, has referred to the debate here spoken of, and has taken time to reflect on the decarations made by Mr. Pitt and his placefillers at the time of the peace, his attention is requested to an article from the SUN of the 31st ultimo, which he will perceive to be a continuation of those that were noticed in the preceding sheet, p. 349, and the object

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of the whole of which articles he will find very little difficulty in discovering." Ac"cording to reports in the diplomatic circles on the Continent that are not influenced by a dread of France, the preparations now making, not against that country, "but against its vile Usurper, and the great "disturber of mankind, are of the most for"midable description, and such as may well "appal the tyrant, and make him tremble "at the consequences. These reports state, "that three hundred and fifty thousand "Austrians, two hundred and fifty thousand

Russians, and forty thousand Swedes, are "ready to commence operations. Of these armies, it is said, that one hundred thou"sand Austrians, and an equal number of Russians, are to be employed on the Rhine; two hundred thousand Austrians, and sixty thousand Russians in Italy and "Switzerland. The forty thousand Swedes "and an equal number of Russians are said "to be destined to re-take Hanover; and,

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that a large body of Russians and other troops are to attempt some vulnerable part of France, headed by a Bourbon "Prince, in the name of Louis XVIII. the " rightful King of France, the ally of Eng"land, Russia, Austria, Sweden, and Turkey, against the Usurper of his throne and "the oppressor of his subjects. His most "Christian Majesty, it is also confidently "said, is to be furnished with the means of raising a formidable army, and that he is "to issue a proclamation to inform his subjects that their deliverance approaches, if they are willing to be rescued from disgrace, misery, and despotism."-However wild this is, and however contemptible the vehicle, through which it is conveyed to the public, it is well worthy of our attention, seeing that it certainly comes from those, to whose hands, unfortunately for us, the management of our affairs is committed. The public do not know, but, upon occasions like this, they ought to be informed, that the ostensible proprietor, or conductor, of the SUN newspaper never thinks of inserting an article upon a subject of this kind, unless he receives it from the Treasury, whither he goes for orders, as regularly as a letter-carrier goes to the Post-Office. This is no exaggeration at all. It is a plain statement of a fact well-known to every person in London connected with the press. By way of censuring this intercourse the fact is not mentioned here; but, for the purpose of the bet`ter enabling the reader to judge of the pro bable views of the" heaven-born" minister and his colleagues. It must, however, not be concluded, that a plan of warfare, such as is described in the SUN, is the plan fixed on by Mr. Pitt; for, he has fixed on nothing, and he will fix on nothing. The articles in his prints ought, rather, to be regarded as mere suggestions, thrown out for the purpose of feeling the pulse of the 'nation; for the purpose of obtaining a knowledge as to what course will be most likely to be popular, or the least likely to excite great unpopularity, and to expose the place of the minister to danger. Seeing, however, that a plan, such as is suggested by the Sus, has in it something specific, at least, and, for that reason, by no means likely to be selected by Mr. Pitt, it is probable, that he finds himself likely to be forced into it, by the will of some one of the parties to the alliance, either abroad or at home. If so, the efforts of his writers are quite natural; though, it must, one would think, appear pretty evident to him, that those efforts will fail of success. It has before been shown,that, to all appearance, the quafrotu between Alexander and

Napoleon has partly arisen from the latter having assumed the title of Emperor; and, this circumstance renders more probable the conjecture, that Mr. Pitt, with a view of obtaining allies upon the Continent, and thereby securing a subject upon which to vaunt at the opening of parliament, has been compelled to give into the project of a war against the person of Buonaparté. But, after all, would there be any reason for surprise, if we should, at last, find, that he himself had chosen this plan, as likely to afford the means of dividing the opinions, and of course, the votes, of the Opposition? If, however, this be his design, the scheme will certainly fail; for, if he could persuade those of the Burke school, that the case now stands, both as to right and to expediency, just as it stood in 1794, when we had made no acknowledgments whatever, when there was a well-known division amongst the people of France, and when there was actually embodied a powerful army of Royalists having exclusive possession of a considerable part of the kingdom: if he could persuade them to this, could he, after the woeful experience they have had of him, possibly persuade them again to trust the cause in hands like his? When he had, by his management of the war, reduced the nation to such a state, both of means and of mind, as to make them, with voice almost unanimous, hail as a blessing, the disgraceful, the ignominious, peace of Amiens; then, indeed, in the defence of that peace, and to gloss over his miserable failure in the war, he said: "there were times, during the war, in

ture incursions; but, in this we were dis"appointed; it becane, then, necessary, "with the change of circumstances, to

change our objects; for, I do not know a "more fatal error, than to look only at one "object, and obstinately to pursue it, when the hope of accomplishing it no longer re "mains." "And what was this new object? "indemnity for the past and security for the "future." And this object, he assured us, was obtained. An honourable and secure "peace," said he, "has now been obtain. "ed." He told us, that he had destroyed the monster that once threatened our exist ence; and his "noble friend," Lord Bel grave, bade us, "now that we had escaped "the dangers of the storm, look back upon "the subsiding waves with emotions of "calm delight and unspeakable satisfac* tion." ." Turn your eyes," said he, he, on your présent happy situation, on

"the vessel of state, having now weathered "the storm, riding in triumph and security "in her native port; and, then say, whe"ther soine credit is not due to him, who "has steered her uninjured through a sea so "threatening, so awful, and so tempest"nous." This sublime passage, upon which Mr. Canning's pilot was a paraphrase, was admirably accommodated to the times when it was uttered; but, together with the birth-day celebration, both have long since become subjects of something very different from admiration. The objects of the war were, however, thus got over for a while; there were not wanting men to assert, that Mr. Pitt had completely obtained the objects which he had always professed to have in view, and this assertion they had the proffigate impudence to make, and to repeat, in the face of his recorded declarations and promises. "We are," said he, in his speech of the 7th of June, 1799, "in circumstances' "which forbid us to stop short, of an ade

quate, full, and rational security. The war may be carried on for any length of "time without the creation of a new delt. "It is by no means difficult to provide taxes "for eight years...... We shall not be sa"tisfied with false security. War, with all "its evils, is better than a peace, in which "there is nothing to be seen but injustice,

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dwelling with savage delight, on the "humbled, prostrate condition of some tiImid, suppliant people..... The time to "come to the discussion of a peace, can only be the time when you can look with confidence to an honourable issue; to such a peace as shall at once restore to Europe "her settled and balanced constitution of ge"neral polity, and to every negotiating power in particular that weight in the scale of general empire, which has ever * been found the best guarantee and pledge. " of local independence and general security. Such are my sentiments. I com"mit them to the thinking amongst man

of Amiens? Need I ask whether any part of it was obtained? Whether we obtained "an adequate, full, and rational security?" Whether the balance of Europe was restored? Whether we did not leave France, "dwelling with savage delight on the hum"bled, prostrate condition of some" [nay, some half-dozen]" timid, suppliant na"tions?" Let it be well remembered, that this declaration, this solemn promise, was made only about one-and-twenty months before the first overture was made to Mr. Otto, which overture led to a peace, which peace was, by all the adherents of Mr. Pitt, justified upon the ground of the "necessity of

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husbanding our resources!" Where, then, shall we look for the truth of that assertion, by which we were led to believe, that "the War could be carried on for any length of "time without the creation of new debt?" Where, for that of the assurance, that "it "would be by no means difficult to find "taxes for eight years?" And, where for the grounds of future reliance, upon the calculations and promises of this minister? We have, in this avowal of Mr. Pitts' a test of his knowledge, his foresight, his wisdom as a statesman, and particularly as a financier. In June, 1799, he tells the besotted nation, that he can continue the war for

any length of time without the creation of "new delt." Early the next year, 1800, he creates new debt, to the amount of 20 millions sterling (leaving out the perts of a million); early in 1901, he creates more new debt, to the amount of 27 millions sterling; and, in 1802, by way of a winder-up of the war, his place-holder creates more new debt, to the amount of 26 millions; and thas, the war, which might be carried on for any length of time without the "creation of new debt," causes him to create, in the next three years, new debt amounting to upwards of 73 millions sterling! And, even after this, and the thousands of other glaring proofs of the same

*ed by the stream of French sophistry, and

prejudiced by her falsehoods, I am sure they will approve of the determination I "have, avowed, and, for those grave and mature reasons, on which I found it." This, then, was his avowed object in the

war.

Avowed, too, less than two years before he assisted in the negotiation of the preliminaries of the peace of Amiens, began en nur side, and with a French Commissary of Prisoners; such was our haste to "restore to Europe her settled and balanced con"stitution of general polity!" Was the object, above-described, obtained by the pance

ing adherents calling him "the first finan "cier in the world," or, at least, you heard them; for, now, it must be confessed that they do, upon that topic, hold their tongues.

-In the calculations, in the professions, in the declarations, in the promises, of such a minister, who can place any confidence? And yet, you shall see, that, if he should adopt something like the course pointed out by the Sux pewspaper, and should treat the parliament with a repetition, though in the very same words, of his old professions about "checking the ambition of France," the deliverance of Europe," "indem

nity for the past and security for the "future," and the like, his adherents will affect astonishment at seeing him opposed by those, who, like myself, formerly endeavoured to support him! The influence of this race of politicians is, however, fast drawing to a close. Thanks to the Tenth Report, the lacker is nearly all rubbed off from the heaven-born" minister and his set, and the real quality of the metal is now perceivable to even the dullest eyes.--I should here have entered upon some further remarks upon the expectations, which appear to be founded upon the discontents, or imaginary discontents, existing against Buonaparté in France; but, just as I had proceeded thus far the SUN of the 3d instant reached me, containing another article upon the same subject, and which article, however unworthy of notice in itself, is, for the reasons before-mentioned, entitled to the serious consideration of the public. Before I insert it, it is necessary to observe, that the letter, to which it professes to be an answer, appeared in the Morning Chronicle of the 2d instant, under the signature of FABIUS. Some of the arguments in that letter had been, as the reader will perceive, before advanced in the Political Register; but, if he has the means of coming at the letter itself, he will find the whole of it well worth his perusal.-When I have inserted this new article, I shall offer a few remarks upon the particular point above-mentioned. I must beg leave to press the subject upon the attention of every one, into whose hands this sheet may happen to fall; for, to me it appears evident, that, if we proceed, if we build our hopes upon discontents in France, or, upon being able to stir up discontents in that country, we are fallen never again to rise. And, yet, it wilì be clearly perceived, that, as far as a judgIment can be formed from the language of the ministerial prints, such is the foundation, upon which we are to build. "The

"rumoured intention on the part of the al"lied powers of directing the war person"ally against the Usurper of France has "drawn forth a long article from a writer "in the chief opposition paper of yesterday, "in which he seems to condemn such a "measure as impolitic and impracticable.

But a due consideration of the subject will shew that it is both politic and practica"ble. The French, as a people, have not provoked the other powers of Europe by "insult or injury. All the insults and in

juries which those powers have received have been the result of Buonaparte's iras"cible temper and his insatiable ambition. "He has been treated with as the head of

"the French people, though it is notorious "that he was chosen by a very few of them, "and that the rest were awed into silence by the severity of his police or his mili

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tary force. Instead of conducting him"self with grateful moderation for this con"descension on the part of other states, he "has intruded upon their territories and "seized them, one after another, upon those pretexts to which force, artifice, and ty ranny always resort. All the forbear ance of other states, too strong to fall "within his grasp, has only augmented his "pride and injustice, and he tramples upon "the very people whom he professes to "have rescued from slavery; though they "endure it to a much greater degree than

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they ever suffered under the most arbitra"ry of their rightful Sovereigns. Where "then is the impolicy of appealing to the "people who are thus oppressed, against a

tyrant who drags them into a war which arose from his own bad passions, and "which those passions threaten to continue as long as he is permitted to enjoy the power which he so wickedly abuses?But it is asked, in what manner are the people of France to testify their detestation "of Buonaparté? That they feel a strong "detestation against their tyrant nobody "doubts, and though it would be difficult "to throw off the yoke, while he has so

powerful an army, yet it can hardly be "doubted that the army partakes in a great "degree of the general feeling of French

men, and as they will be the chief suffer

ers by new wars, resulting from his am"bition, they might be ready to aid the expression of the general will, if an appeal "to the people of France against their op

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pressor seemed to make a strong impres "sion on them. Buonaparte's host of ge "nerals would themselves be little inclined "to support the cause of an Upstart who "holds them at such a proud distance,

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though he chiefly depends upon them, if "they were once to find the troops beginning to waver, and the general feelings of "Frenchmen averse to their disgraceful

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bondage. How far Frenchmen in gene"ral might be inclined to return to their al"legiance to their rightful Monarch is ano"ther question; but after all their disap

pointments, sufferings, and horrors, on "what could they be expected to look for repose so securely as in the bosom of legitimate authority? The transfer of property which has taken place since the re"velution would be but a subordinate im

pediment to the return of that authority, "when opposed to the wishes of the great