in his engagements, will that plea avail him aught against the consequences of a writ? Will it save him, for one moment, from jail? If your servant rob you; if he be guilty of a breach of trust; if he connive at others who rob you; if you even suspect him of any one of these offences, do you still keep, him in your service? Do you continue to pay him his wages, though, from his attention and time being wholly occupied" in his defence, he entirely neglects his work? And do you, in such case, allow of such a plea? What partiality, then; what abominable injustice, must inherit the mind of that man, who can attempt to justify the ministers, with regard to the events in the West-Indies, upon grounds such as those above alleged.It must be fresh in the memory of every man, that we ended the last war with a boast, that the fleets of France were annihilated. Twenty speeches in parliament could be quoted as to this point, but we will confine ourselves to that of the profound and acute Sir Henry St. John Mildmay, when, on the 7th of May, 1802, he was seconding the motion of that other great statesman, Lord Belgrave, for a vote of thanks to the "heaven-born" minister.

We," said Sir Henry, "have, wrested "from the enemy many of her-most valua"ble colonies, thwarted her in many of her "most favourite objects, annihilated the "whole of her marine, and possessed our"selves of the whole of her commerce, 66 without any loss." Men of Winchester! Sage Mayor and Aldermen and Reverend Prebendaries, hear this, and recollect what has since come to pass! Ask the people of Tobago and Martinique what colonies of France we were able to keep; ask the Dutch, the Swiss, and the Italians, what object of hers we were able to thwart; and, ask the WestIndia merchants and planters; go ask the graves of the thousands of seamen that have perished in our locked up convoys, whether we have annihilated the whole of her marine!

Botley, Thursday, 17th Oct. 1805.

annual accounts relating to the Finances and Commerce of Great Britain and of Ireland. The importance of the several papers, here mentioned, need not be pointed out; and, as the Editor believes, they are not to be found in any other work extant.

PUBLIC PAPERS.

AUSTRIA AND FRANCE. - Proclamation issued by the Emperor of Austria, to his Hereditary States, dated Sept. 1805.

We, Francis the Second, Emperor Elect of the Romans, Hereditary Emperor of Austria, &c. Facts known to all the world prove, that since the conclusion of the Treaty of Luneville, we have had nothing so much at heart as the maintenance of the peace which we had procured for our faithful people by the s1 Treaty. The scrupulous accomplishment of all the obligations which that Treaty imposed upon us; the observance of a perfect neutrality in the naval war, and the most friendly moderation,. when the Emperor of the French violated several of the principal stipulations of the Peace, and endangered by numerous abuses, the repose and equilibrium of Europe, gave us every right to hope with confidence, that our warm and sincere desire for peace would be fulfilled. Yet the armaments ordered by the Emperor of the French close to the frontiers of the Tyrol and the Duchy of Venice, joined to direct menaces, required of our parental sclicitude for our hereditary states, counter aimaments, which, however, though destined to do away our fears for the safety of our states, could not be to France a subject of mistrust or of open complaint.- -At the same time that we took these measures of precaution, to which we saw ourselves forced, we took with the courts of Petersburgh and Faris, when negotiations to be opened between those two courts had been frustrated, the proper measures nevertheless to attain the salutary object, and to produce the resumption of the negociations for peace interrupted. The court of France did not acknowledge our intentions on this head, and refused our ruediation. The Court of Russia, on the con trary, declared itself ready to open, in concert with us, and with equal moderation, pacific negociations, and to employ an armed mediation for the re-establishment of the repose, security, and political balance of agi tated Europe. -We, far removed from the desire of seeing a new war break out, but convinced of the imperious necessity of those energetic measures, which can alone insure real and lasting peace, partake perfectly the determination of the Emperor of

all the Russias on this subject, and hope, from its good execution, with well founded confidence, the desired effect. But also we expect, with no less confidence, that our dear and faithful subjects who have afforded us, for thirteen years of a reign accompanied with the most extraordinary events, so many deep proofs of unshaken attachment, will support us with all their might in this undertaking, formed with a view to their real good, and will lasten, in consequence, to aid us in restoring that happy state of things which was always our first object and the wish nearest to our heart.--We expect then of our faithful states and subjects, that they will not only continue to pay regularly the tax called the classes, which has been levied in 1805, and which has been prolonged in 1806, by a particular patent, dated this day, but that they will also furnish, with no less good-will to maintain our armies more easily, contributions in kind, consisting of corn and oats. (The proclamation then fixes the number of bushels for each province.) However willingly we should grant to our faithful states and subjects the usual indemnity for these supplies, we cannot this time satisfy this desire, because our finances, obliged to make head against so many other extraordinary expenses, are not in a condition also to supply the indemnity, and that there would thus remain to pay it no other resource than to raise the necessary sums by means of another contribution in money.

Note transmitted, by the French Chargé d'Affaires to the Directorial Minister at the Diet of Ratisbon, dated Ratisbon, Sept. 25, 1805.

His Majesty has, therefore, been obliged to recall the greatest part of the army which he had in the territory of Hanover, and those troops being in the heart of Germany, could not do otherwise than pass through a part of the empire to get to the place of their destinationBut although the motives and the intention of their passage are most clearly pointed out by the present state of affairs, which is known to the whole world, and it is consequently impossible to misconstrue them; nevertheless, in order to preclude any observations which malignity might suggest to misinterpret them, his Majesty has charged the undersigned to give to the Germanic Diet those explanations which are contained in the present note. (Signed) BACHER. Letter from the Emperor Napoleon to the

Grand Pensionary of Holland; dated
Strasburgh, Sept. 29, 1805.

MY VERY DEAR AND GREAT FRIEND! -I have been obliged to withdraw my army from Holland, to make head against an impious coalition which the gold and the intrigues of England have formed against me and my allies. I have commanded in my empire the formation of national guards for the defence of my frontiers. You will be aware that, in the present circumstances, the friends of their country must take up arms to repel those bands, eager for pillage, whom England would throw into their shores. However, let not the inhabitants of Holland be alarmed. My armies of reserve, of Boulogne and Mentz, are more than sufficient to succour the troops which defend their coasts, and to prevent any army who violate the Batavian territory from re-embarking. In the present circumstances, my very dear and great friend, I depend upon your zeal and patriotism. The cares of war do not so entirely absorb my attention, that I shall not constantly watch for the concerns of the Batavian country. An army might indeed land, but be assured that it would not reembark. However, I call upon the courage and patriotism of the Batavians to confound the hatred of the tyrants of the sea, and to secure that part of the Continent from the Invasion of the pirates.Herewith I pray God to take you, my very dear and great friend, under his holy protection. NAPOLEON.

FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPERS. Second Letter of the Minister of the Interior to the Prefects, dated Paris, Sept. 25, 1805. Concluded from p. 576.

The Emperor calls for the conscription of the year 14; for an extraordinary war, confines himself to accelerating by a few months an ordinary measure. Let this appeal, made to the courage of the French youth, be heard by them, and repeated by all the public functionaries! Employ your activity and your influence to hasten its results. The more prompt its operation, the more happy will be its consequences Join the means of persuasion to the employment of your authority. Callpress those whom the law calls: encourage the zeal of those who shew themselves ready to obey it: against the others' enforce all its rigours. Tell those under your administration, that it is by this decisive measure they will obtain a prompt Peace, the first and last object of the Emperor's wishes that this alone can save them the calamities and ex

haustion of a prolonged War, and the sacrifices it renders necessary: that it is this which will remove the War from our frontiers, and will throw the weight of it on our enemies.Speak of their interest, of their true interests, to those who may not be affected by the national glory; but these would not be Frenchmen. Honour, that sentiment essentially French, will speak with energy to every heart worthy of that name: the voice of the country, which calls them to her defence against an unjust provocation, will not be disregarded by them, and they will all hasten to partake of that long inheritance of glory earned on the Alps, in the Plains of Italy, on the borders of the Rhine and the Danube. He who has always commanded victory, whose ge nius is as powerful as his determination is firm and immoveable, whose thought embraces every combination of times, places, and men, who has saved you from evils from without and perils from within, and under whose shield you have placed your destinies

Circular Letter from the Minister of Finance to the Chiefs of Administration in his Department, dated Paris, Sept. 25, 1805.

War, Sir, has broke out on the Continent by the perfidy of our neighbours. The Emperor marches at the head of a formidable army, and the honour of the French Eagles shall be soon avenged. The zeal of all the citizens of the empire ought to second the devotion of its angust Chief, and to prove that they are all animated with the same sentiment, the love of the country. It belongs to those whose functions place them the nearest to the government, to distinguish themselves on this important occasion, by their eagerness to concur in measures which may hasten the return of Peace, the sole object of the labours and the wishes of the Hero who presides over our destinies. Those whos children are called by their age to the honourable duty of defending their country, ought to press their junction with their competitors in this glorious carcer. Every one should redouble his zeal, whether for preventing the frauds which might dimish the revenues of the States, or for accelerating the entry of those revenues into the Public Treasury. I invite you, Sir, to write in this spirit to the different persons employed in the administration which you direct. have the honour to salute you. (Signed)

your Emperor-the man of the age and of the nation, leads himself your ranks!— What Frenchman is not jealous of sharing his danger and his glory? Who is the man that can hear without emotion that expression of the Emperor to the Senate, at the moment of his departure: "Frenchmen, "your Emperor will do his duty; the Army "will do theirs; you will do yours !"Public functionaries, it is particularly to you that this is addressed. The first of your duties is the defence of your country: proprietors, cultivators, the tranquil possession of your fields must be ensured: merchants, manufacturers, artists, artizans, in your industry are your riches and your existence; know how to insure to yourselves its free exercise, and to open new outlets to its products. Fathers of families, you should keep at a distance from your peaceable dwellings the evils, and even the very noise of war; and if your sons did not march against the enemy, you would have to take arms for the defence of your fire-sides. Frenchmen, your glory and independence are in question. You, Sir, bare to justify the choice by which the Emperor has honoured you; and it is by hastening the progress of the Conscript on that you will acquire the highest claim upon his suffrage and his good-willYour zeal shall be judged by its results: let it be such that I shall have to felicitate you on having well-merited of the Prince and of the Country Receive, Sir, the assurance of my perfect consideration.(Signed)

CHAMPAGNY.

GAUDIN

I

Letter from M. Talleyrand to Count Cobentzel, on his sending him a Memorial in Answer to his Note of Sept. 3.

The Undersigned has the honour to send to his Excellency Count Cobentzel, the annexed Memorial, drawn up in consequence, of the Note of the Cabinet of Vienna, which Count Cobentzel addressed to the Undersigned, on the 3d September.----Since that Memorial received the approbation of His Majesty the Emperor of the French, the Austrian army has passed the Inn, and invaded Bavaria. If the pacific sentiments with which his Majesty the Emperor of Germany and of Austria, says he is animated, be real, he must be aware, that no negocia tion can be entered upon; that no proposition can be listened to, unless the Austrian troops recross the Inn, and return to their due limits. If the Court of Vienna refuses › to withdraw them, it is the intention of his Majesty to compel him to it by force of: arms. The calamities which must be the inevitable consequence of such a war, will wholly redound upon the House of Austria,

novations, have a still less real existence.The free and salutary organization of a country previously governed by law, arising out of accidental circumstances, most assuredly does not require to be supported by threats, or guaranteed by hostile armaments. And how can it be said with any shadow of probability, that the Emperor of the French was threatening Austria, at the very moment of the greatest ac.ivity of his preparations against England?

Marginal Annotations upon the Note of the Court of Vienna, of the 3d September, inserted in the French Official Paper, the Moniteur, of the 30th September, 1805.

Upon this vague indefinite exposition, which sets out with accusations and explanations, but which explains and proves nothing, there is only one observation to be made, and that observation will be peremptory and precise.Switzerland, Holland, and Italy, have freely established the constitution which they wished for. In what respect does this legitimate use of the primitive right of all states infringe upon the particular rights of Austria? During the negotiations at Luneville, Austria required the evacuation by the French troops of the territory of the Italian, Helvetic, and Batavian republics, and France refused to comply. France required of Austria to guarantee the independence of these republics; and Austria, it is true, manifested the utmost repugnance to accede to this demand, but at length consented. These three states therefore ought, in the sense it was understood by Austria, to remain free; and nevertheless still continue to keep a French army on their territory. How can this independence have been altered by the spontaneous establishment of that fixed form of government which has put an end to former uncertainties; and of the federal system that has connected them in alliance with France?—If Austria will go back to the times antecedent to these new establishments, she will find that France was mistress of all Italy: she possessed every power, even the legislative authority; and the power that governed had been established by the French generals. In Switzerland, in Holland, the French armies constituted the only organized force that secured the public safety. Let Austria quote a single article of the treaty of Luneville that has prescribed the departure of the French troops: let her cite a single note of her's, or any one step formally taken by her since the conclusion of that treaty, which had for its object

to require that evacuation.If Austria considers the present state of things, let her say in what respect constitutions adapted to times, to places, to the interests of countries, and already approved from an happy experience, furnish grounds on her part for regret at the past, or uneasiness respecting the future. What sort of interest is that which prompts one to deplore the happiness and the security of nations? What kind of benevolence is it that would advise states to imagine themselves oppressed, when they are in possession of laws and of a government, the work of their own will, the resuit of their common suffrages and choice? Of what nature in fine is that justice which proposes war to bring back disorder and contusion to those countries in which at present prevails order, tranquillity, and confidence ?

-But the Court of Vienna again resorts to generalities: but from under the veil of such vague allegations, one may discern the views of a policy timidly jesuitical, that would dextrously slip over recollections, and prepare itself for disavowals. The Emperor of Austria has not hesitated to acknowledge the changes that have taken place in Switzerland, since he has a minister at Berne: nor those changes that have happened in Holland, since he has accredited a minister at the Hague: nor those that have arisen in Italy, since his Majesty's own letters, as well as those of his minister, M. de Cobentzel, attest them. But now that Court of Vienna would endeavour to get rid of all these previous measures. Is it to be supposed that the King of the Romans would not recog nise the acts of the Emperor of Germany? Or does the present aspect of affairs appear to him more favourable, and from the con sciousness of being supported, would he not› disavow all past engagements? It was thus' that Austria rejected the treaty of Campo Formio. Then, as at present, she attributed to the necessity of moderation, to delicate and critical circumstances, to an anxiety to remove greater dangers, stipulations formally entered into. But it may be necessary to say that the circumstances are not wholly alike. When Austria declared that the peace of Campo Formio was broken, she had gained a battle. Now she should at least have waited for a victory before she became so ostentatious of the strange principles that have guided her conduct. The reflections she here indulges in are literally taken from the English papers. Not one of them but furnishes a text for the daily declamations of those writers, who doubtless did not flatter themselves with being honoured by such